Into the twentieth century, mathematicians and educators justified requiring students to master Euclidean geometry through four chief rationales: geometry was a subject based upon certain knowledge, it trained the mind in proper and rigorous reasoning, it prepared a path to higher mathematics, and it enabled the measurement of surfaces and solids. This paper explores selected illustrations from the history of American geometry education between 1750 and 1950 in order to demonstrate changes in these rationales over time. Since geometry education is a mixture of visual and mental culture, one episode which will be highlighted is the debate in nineteenth-century textbooks over whether the method of reference to particular diagrams (including diagram labels in the statement of the proposition) was appropriate and desirable. Connections between the four rationales and American democratic ideals will also be emphasized.

James Hutton addressed coal in several publications on geology, combustion, theories of matter and cycles in nature. Coal underscores how Hutton unified chemistry, geology and the natural oeconomy on a topography of knowledge. In particular, Hutton's scope allowed him to distinguish between types of coal and develop a notion of two species of phlogiston based on carbon and hydrogen and their properties in producing light, color and heat. Hutton's crossdisciplinary views on coal reinforces the importance of phlogiston in his work, while also helping to profile further the nature of the Chemical Revolution.

I propose that this essay focuses on the link between genetics and embryology, both conceptually and institutionally, through the funding activities of the Carnegie Institution of Washington (CIW). The CIW's first major funding efforts were in the fields of heredity, especially plant and animal breeding and selection. The essay will focus on the early work of the Station for the Experimental Study of Evolution (SEE), established in 1904 at Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island, with Carnegie funds, and under the direction of Charles B. Davenport; and on the innovative studies of genetic transmission carried out by Thomas Hunt Morgan at Columbia University, funded from 1915 onward, also by CIW. While an embryological perspective initially informed the work in Mendelian genetic (Davenport, like Morgan was originally trained in morphology), the increasing emphasis on transmission at the expense of development, led Davenport and others to exaggerated claims about the fixity of inheritance, and to naive, politically suspect, eugenics programs. Yet, at about the same time that the CIW converted Davenport's Station in to the Department of Genetics, it also moved (in 1914) to establish the Department of Embryology, on the campus of Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. To many biologists at the time, the two problems -- transmission of hereditary elements from parent to offspring, and development of the fertilized egg into a differentiated, adult organism -- were part and parcel of the same process.

Human sciences, such as medicine and psychology, have a long history of use of the case study as an object through which knowledge is created, in that it is a way to capture clinical and empirical data and communicate findings to other practitioners and researchers. Although this type of reasoning has been well-documented by historians of the human sciences, little work has been done to connect it to the parallel use of this form of reasoning within biology or in the history of biology, despite increased attention in recent years to so-called 'model organisms' (which I have argued elsewhere depend on reasoning via cases). This paper will examine the epistemological bases and limitations for uses of case studies in the human sciences in order to shed light on the practices of doing biology and doing history with model organisms.

Land drainage and reclamation projects were among the most prominent preoccupations of the English ruling classes during the seventeenth century. Wealthy landowners and investors, often including the king himself, pooled their resources in an effort to transform ever larger plots of wetland into dependably dry, arable farmland, sometimes making fortunes in land speculation in the process. Drainage works of such enormous scale (the largest project, known as the Bedford Level, spanned parts of five counties) required the coordination not only of financial resources, but of technological resources as well. The knowledge, skills, and experience needed to design and oversee such projects were rare commodities in seventeenth-century England; most of the engineers and laborers emigrated to England from the Low Countries, including the best-known figure Sir Cornelius Vermuyden. Their expertise was vital to the success of any drainage project, and patrons rewarded their valuable service with generous grants from the lands they drained. This paper will examine drainage projects that were undertaken in Lincolnshire between 1625 and 1650, and show how drainage expertise came to be used as a means of imposing royal and/or corporate control over areas of the realm that had long been comparatively resistant to it.

The Translator's Preface in the near-contemporary Polish rendering of Baldassarre Castiglione's Renaissance classic Il Cortegiano, by tukasz Gornicki (1566), could serve as a model and well-argued synopsis of the case for adaptation in circumstances of a cultural chasm between original and target milieu. Gornicki, Padua-educated and one of the chief Polish humanists of the 16th century, was inspired in his book Dworzanin polski by a wish to instruct those of his countrymen who did not travel and to promote Italian culture to them, as well as to entertain them. Although a tradition of close links between the intellectuals living in the Commonwealth of Poland-Lithuania and the Italian pacesetters of European culture had already become well embedded, Gornicki encountered a host of obstacles to the direct translation of Il Cortegiano into 16th-century Polish. There were two patent reasons for this. The first was obviously the cultural distance separating the two societies - a formidable geographical separation as well, accounting for their mutual insufficiency of knowledge about each other. Hence in order to preserve the book's credibility, Gornicki had no option but to adapt or even omit items like the 'story of the frozen words' of the original, which would have sounded ridiculous to readers intimately familiar with climatic conditions in a country where temperatures are normally sub-zero in winter. The second reason was the considerable degree of social and cultural incongruity between the source and target milieux. Hence, in order to preserve the book's social propriety, Gornicki was obliged to suppress some of the original's key structural features. He could not allow himself to have female characters participating in the Polish dialogues, not to mention the tongue-in-cheek exchanges of wit. Paradoxically, he did so because he was addressing a non-travelling domestic readership, and many of these stay-at-homes would have been women. But at the same time he was appealing to, and challenging those of his countrymen who had been his colleagues at the universities of Italy to try their hand at translation from Italian into Polish - to continue, develop, or modify the tradition he was founding. Yet paradoxically again his major reason for all this factual debilitation of the original was to bring the contemporary Italian culture closer to his Transalpine readers, to extend their image, or rather perhaps to correct their stereotype, of the Italian culture. Essentially Gornicki was producing an adaptation, not a translation in the strict sense of the term. But in the history of Polish literature his oeuvre has the reputation of a classic of translation, a milestone in the development of modern Polish as a medium of the belles-lettres. Not only should tukasz Gornicki's introduction to Dworzanin polski be accorded its deserved place alongside the better-known standard early modern statements on translation theory. Addressed to a double readership of 'knows' and 'don't knows', it also offers an elegant, scholarly and historic apology for unavoidable adaptation as an instrument for the bridging, or at least narrowing of a cultural gap which makes direct translation impracticable.

The emergence and development of "national siences" in Latin American countries were not, until very recently, part of the agenda of historians of science because the "traditional" history of sciences was not interested in the scientific activity of peripheral areas. It was not until very recently that the history of Mexican science was developed in our country. In this work I will refer to the institutionalization of sience as the process by which national scientific traditions emerge in a variety of contexts. I will distinguish between disciplinary formation in research programs and in disciplinary programs. This distinction will come at hand while studying the case of Genetics in Mexico in agricultural programs, educational programs and the creation of institutions that strengthen Genetics by 1960 with the creation of the Genetic and Radiobiology Program by Alfonso Leon de Garay. As this program expanded, the territory of Genetics was staked, resources and responsibilities were assigned, chairs and academies were founded, series of texbooks were published and disciplinary formation on Genetics was encouraged.

In this paper I discuss the emergence of empirical practices in the Spanish American empire during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This paper looks at the circulation of information, commodities and curiosities and argues that the establishment of long-distant empires was a key factor in the emergence of empirical practices in Europe. This paper describes the mechanisms at the Casa de Contratación for collecting information about the New World. It also describes the procedures established between entrepreneurs and royal officials for validating claims about curiosities and commodities.

The early history of medical electricity was marked by controversies. The first one was prompted by the invention of a group of Italian physicians and amateur electricians who claimed to have discovered a new method of applying electricity to medical therapy. In 1749, after touring Italy in order to witness the Italian "electric marvels", the leading electrical authority of the time, the Abbé Nollet, wrote a widely circulated report that firmly dismissed the reliability of the method. The paper shows that Nollet's published account was the final product of a series of conflicts and negotiations with the Italian community of natural philosophers, whose consensus Nollet - in spite of his professed disagreement - actively sought. Relying on the unpublished correspondence between the rival actors of the controversy, I highlight the role played by the Istituto delle Scienze of Bologna that, after being responsible for triggering the controversy, in the aftermath of Nollet's visit acted as a mediator between the instances of its local members and those of Nollet, himself a member.

This paper examines travel, picture-making, and picture-using as scientific and colonial practices. Taking as a case study images produced by eighteenth-century naturalist expeditions through the Americas, I explore the manufacture of scientific objects, the construction, structure, and operation of knowledge networks, and the ways in which issues of scientific expertise, authority, and authorship play out in colonial contexts. I suggest that pictures of nature functioned as mediators between American and European knowledge, between local and trans-local information, between field experience and book experience, and between the world of objects (a patch of jungle, a flower) and the world of knowledge (a scientific specimen on a blank page or a museum display).

It is a commonplace of the history of science that the phlogiston theory suffered a deadly blow in 1777, when Lavoisier published his Memoir on Combustion in General, an account of his experiments with mercuric oxide, which were a careful and quantitative repetition of Priestley's 1774 experiments. However, in 1787 Richard Kirwan, in his Essay on Phlogiston and the Constitution of Acids, was still able to successfully defend phlogiston 'theory' on experimental as well as conceptual grounds. Identifying phlogiston with 'inflammable air' (hydrogen), Kirwan explained Lavoisier's observations in the terms of the older theory. Yet four years later, in 1791, Kirwan did abandon phlogiston in favor of the new doctrine. A careful reading of the Essay demonstrates that, contrary to the accepted view, and much in line with F. L. Holmes, by the end of the 18th century, there were a few versions of the phlogistic view (Kirwan's version being one of the most central) that were quite close, in many ways, to the ideas advanced by Lavoisier, and Kirwan's shift was very much within the new framework. Thus, pace Kuhn, it was neither the mere overthrow of phlogiston nor solely the bringing into being of oxygen that epitomized the dawning of a new chemistry.

Vero Copner Wynne Edwards is best known as the father of an unsuccessful theory of group selection. Although there are multiple explanations for the rejection of Wynne-Edwards' ideas, I argue that his lack of a clear disciplinary identity played a significant role in the fate of group selection. The conundrum is that, while he is often categorized as influential to the development of animal behavior studies, this was not at all how he was seen by his ethological contemporaries. In 1924, Wynne-Edwards went to Oxford to read zoology with Julian Huxley and received his first exposure to the study of behavior. While at Oxford, he became a student of the ecologist Charles Elton and developed an interest in populations. As his career and his theories developed, Wynne-Edwards was influenced by the work of the population geneticists Sewall Wright and Theodosius Dobzhansky. Later, the ecological work of W. C. Allee, A. E. Emerson, and Thomas Park was integrated into Wynne-Edwards' view of nature. The most curious example of Wynne-Edwards intellectual wandering and its attendant effects, is his inclusion in Donald Dewsbury's collection of autobiographical memoirs, Leaders in the Study of Animal Behavior. The selection of Wynne-Edwards as a member of this cohort might lead one to believe that he was clearly identified as a behavioral biologist. I argue that this is a gross oversimplification and that the clarification of Wynne-Edwards relationship to ethology will help to illuminate the development of that discipline.

This paper will explore the tensions which could emerge in the career of a scientist who opted to spend a significant amount of time writing for nonspecialist readers. In the Victorian era it was common for intellectuals, including scientists, to write material accessible to nonspecialists. But by the end of the nineteenth century the professionalization of science had proceded so far that such writing was increasingly seen as a distraction from the scientist's true objective. J. Arthur Thomson, Regius Professor of Natural History at Aberdeen from 1899, began as a promising researcher (he trained under Ernst Haeckel)but allowed himself to be sucked into an ever-increasing demand for his services as a writer of textbooks and popular surveys. His popular writings tended to reflect an old-fashioned view of science, yet clearly there was a demand for this material from publishers, including the publishers of textbooks aimed at college biology courses. Thomson was a committed teacher, as well as someone who saw it as his mission to spread the word about the implications of his vision of science. What other scientists saw as a betrayal of his initial promise as a researcher, he saw as the fulfilment of a mission to explain the underlying nature of science to the wider world. To understand his motivations and his strategies, we need to explore his own beliefs, his relationships with other scientists, his academic environment, and the opportunities which opened up for him in the world of publishing.

Graphic recording methods emerged in a broad range of experimental disciplines in late nineteenth-century science and were often hailed as the new universal language of science. This paper examines their emergence, stabilization, and legitimation. The discussion centers on the attempts of the French physiologist E.J. Marey to articulate a theory of scientific instruments, which defined graphic inscription as their ultimate form. Drawing upon the rich variety of optical instruments, toys, and visual effects circulating in nineteenth-century science and lay culture, Marey characterized graphic recording as a hybrid of the map (spatial representation), clock (time measurement), and photograph (automatic inscription). The graphic apparatus, he contended, enabled a unique and unprecedented form of mimetic representation. But mimesis of what? Marey answered with a reflexive neo-lamarckian account of the evolution of organisms that explained the emergence of tools and instruments in humans out of the evolving functional differentiation of the zoological series. On the basis of experiment and morphology, he argued that organisms *are* inscription devices: functional activities describable in terms of energy physics, which inscribe their traces and imprints on bodily tissues. Similarly, graphic inscription apparatus were conceived as quasi-organisms, having emerged as externalizations of animal function, becoming freestanding organs of sentience "with their own domain" of perception. In Marey's account, graphic recordings thus acquired a special legitimacy and meaning through this linkage of theories of energy and evolution. Moreover, Marey used his account to make explicit alliances with the new progressive politicians of Third Republic France.

Between the 15th and 18th centuries, maps moved incessantly between various territories and cultural entities in Western Asia and Western Europe. Although this was not a new process - there are convincing arguments for such a migration for earlier periods too - it intensified in those centuries. In the Ottoman Empire, the court, politicians, scholars, converts, ambassadors, navigators, painters, calligraphers, and reformers participated in the acquisition of maps, their translation, the transfer of their concepts, notions, and icons from previous and contemporary Muslim and Christian societies (Timurid, Mamluk, Byzantine, Habsburgian, Dutch, French - to name a few). In Western European countries, cartographers, map-makers, courts, scholars, travelers, politicians, merchants, and officers were involved in modernizing Ptolemaic maps and acquiring new knowledge about Asia and Africa on the base of Arabic, Turkish, and Persian maps and texts with the help of Christian migrants from the Arabic parts of the Ottoman Empire, converts, and Jewish, Christian, and Muslim priests, scribes, and scholars in the Ottoman Empire. While the process of translating such maps is documented only in fragmentary fashion in the extant original sources, a study of the extant maps can help to uncover important elements of the process of encounter and change which took place between the various participants.

In the twentieth century, physics moved from a disinterested course of academic enquiry to a vital component of the cold war arsenals of the United States and its Western European allies. Over the course of the first seven decades of this century, the numbers of graduate physicists being produced in the US and Europe dramatically increased, even in proportion to the growth of populations of those countries. This paper seeks to understand the quantitative impact of this significant change, using as its main resource a database I have constructed of all graduate degrees in physics involving the production and submission of a thesis. The database covers all theses submitted in Britain and Germany between the years 1900 to 1970. The paper will focus on two key areas of change. The first is to examine in detail the rates and types of change of the number of graduate physicists being produced in Britain and Germany. The second area of change is the type of physics being taught to graduate students. Finally, some comparative remarks will be offered on the differences between the effects of the US and European efforts to increase the number of graduate physicists. These remarks will also suggest some directions for future research.

Shaping Science with Rhetoric: the Cases of Dobzhansky, Schrödinger, and Wilson, by Leah Ceccarelli, published by University of Chicago Press in 2001, closely examines three books that seek to motivate scientists to engage in interdisciplinary work: Theodosius Dobzhansky's Genetics and the Origin of Species, Erwin Schrödinger's What is Life?, and Edward O. Wilson's Consilience. In addition to uncovering the rhetorical strategies that are used by scientists in attempts to open new spaces for collaboration across disciplines, this study utilizes rhetoric to motivate scholars from two different disciplines to come together. The methods of historians and rhetorical critics are united in a way that seeks to improve the work of both. For example, historians tell us much about the context in which these texts were written, but because they do not have the microanalytical tools of rhetorical inquiry that would allow them to study the persuasive design of the individual text, they are unable to say precisely how those texts worked; in contrast, rhetorical critics are able to reveal much in their close rhetorical readings of individual texts, but because they rarely engage in careful historical research, they make naïve assumptions about the actual influence of the strategies they reveal. In this paper, I describe the ways in which rhetoricians and historians can benefit from sharing their perspectives and traditions of scholarship. Historians of science will find that a rhetorical microanalysis mediates some of the conflicts that have arisen in their literature about the function, value, and meaning of some influential scientific texts. At the same time, rhetoricians of science will be surprised to find that documents recording the history of reception exist in historical archives and can contribute greatly to our understanding of how these texts persuaded (or failed to persuade) their readers.

This paper examines the introduction of Georg Ernst Stahl's (1659-1734) gynecological work to the popular market, especially that of what may be called the Frauenzimmer literature, in the 1720s. It focuses on the publication of Georg Ernst Stahls ausfährliche Abhandlung von den Zuf‰llen und Kranckheiten des Frauenzimmers, one of the products of Leipzig publishers' intensive efforts in popularizing the academic works of Stahl, formerly a professor of medicine at the University of Halle and then First Physician to the Prussian King Friedrich Wilhelm I and thus one of the most powerful medical figures in Protestant Germany. This publication in particular was a conscious introduction of Stahl's gynecological dissertations to the thriving market of the Frauenzimmer literature, a literature which addressed literate women of upper- and middle-classes to their education, manners, and the care of their bodies. This paper explores the social and cultural factors at work that supported the publication of Stahl's medical Frauenzimmer work: for example, the appropriation of Stahl's authority in contemporary medicine; the generic elements of early modern medical dissertations that allowed their transformation into laymen's readings; the increasing popularity of self-care medical publications; and the market of the Frauenzimmer literature.

My paper will explore the controversy surrounding the explosion of psychological testing by business in the 1950s and 1960s, detailing the implications of these new technologies of corporate governance for understandings of work and of the self. In the postwar era, I will argue, the burgeoning field of Industrial Psychology helped construct ideal corporate personality types using highly quantified measurements of such dimensions of personality as Masculinity, Practical Judgment, Cooperativeness and Management Identification. Personality came to be seen not only as an important aspect of a worker's potential, but for white-collar workers was often discussed as the primary attribute bought by an employer. The quantification of employment testing among industrial psychologists and personnel experts can be seen as a kind of Taylorism of the psyche, an attempt to attach lights to the ego and film the streaks across charts of extroversion, domination, and masculinity. I argue first, that corporate, bureaucratic work increasingly involved a commodification and presentation of self, and second, that the personality being presented was analyzed and defined by corporations in spectacularly minute and invasive ways.

The objective of this paper is to present under a new light several objects (instruments

and manuscripts) and visual tools (tables, notations, diagrams, nomograms, etc.) that were used in the astronomical practice of Muslim astronomers, and to present evidence for the role of visualization in the teaching of astronomy. I shall pay attention to the specificities of individual "visual cultures of science" associated with distinct Islamic societies, while at the same time attempting to assess their overall historical unity.

This paper is a case-study in the historical geography of American field science. It looks at something that is now commonplace - land-use mapping and classification for purposes of regional planning - and considers its roots in the practices of a particular natural-cultural place. The specific argument is that after the first World War the upper Great Lakes region proved so hospitable to certain kinds of field work that fundamental cartographic innovations were pioneered there. Geographers, soil scientists, and foresters working in the cut-over lands of northern Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota had a unique opportunity and an official mandate to create regional knowledge efficiently. They responded by developing specialized mapping techniques which, while tailored to a particular region, could be applied to any rural area of the United States. In fact, cartographic innovations pioneered and refined in the Great Lakes States, such as aerial photography, fractional-code and unit-area mapping, and land-use appraisal, were adopted by planners of the Tennessee Valley Authority, among others. The paper thus shows how practical knowledge emerged and crossed boundaries in special - and literal -- American topographies.

The authors of an August 1996 BioScience article asserted that "in general, scientists agree" that the introduction and spread of alien (i.e., locally nonindigenous) species is second only to habitat destruction as a lethal agent threatening biodiversity. Thus began an era of coordinated xenobiophobia. The invasive exotic species issue was adopted as a cause celebre by the IUCN, numerous national governments, and major NGOs such as The Nature Conservancy, resulting in policy actions such as President Clinton's February 1999 Executive Order (13112) on Invasive Species. But the BioScience article included only one citation in support of the "general agreement" among scientists, and that source (E.O. Wilson's 1992 book The Diversity of Life) was a semi-popular account that in turn cited only 'unpublished data' and vaguely ranked threats only to North American fishes. Although the alarm against alien biota was raised by scientists in a scientific journal, their concerns can be shown to rest heavily on a tripod of three fundamental value judgements (aesthetics, ethical/religious duties, and economic practicality) permeating the scientific and popular literature of "biological invasions". In this case, the perceived authority and continuing personal endorsement of a celebrity scientist with mass appeal and media access helped generate and maintain an international moral and political imperative. This illustrates the need to understand the role of value judgements by scientists in general, and particularly in the issue-based environmental sciences.

From its inception, the Carnegie Institution of Washington's Department of Embryology served as a mecca for scientists from multiple disciplines and heterogeneous backgrounds who were interested in the reproductive anatomy and physiology of nonhuman and/or human primates (including comparative anatomy) as well as their embryonic development. In the early decades of the twentieth century, there were very few centers of reproductive research anywhere in the world. The scope and depth of reproductive studies undertaken at the CIW Department of Embryology could arguably be said to justify calling it the major such medically-oriented center in the US during this period.This paper examines the full range of reproductive research pursued in the Department from 1913-1955. Much of this research drew deeply upon the Department's superb infrastructural resources---the Human Embryo Collection (begun by Franklin Payne Mall and sustained by George Streeter, Chester Heuser and others) and the first primate research colony in the US (initiated by George W. Corner and redeveloped by Carl Hartman). The major figures and their research topics include: Mall, Streeter and Heuser (all on morphological embryology), Hartman (the female cycle; sperm and ovum transport), Corner (the ovarian and uterine cycles), Robert K. Burns, Jr. (experimental approaches to the development of sexual organs), Louis B. Flexner (placental transmission), Samuel R.M. Reynolds (the uterus), Arpad Csapo (uterine muscle), and Elizabeth M. Ramsey (the placenta). Mention will also be made of the related work of a number of regular visitors who came to work at the Department because of its exceptional resources and generous and receptive colleagues: George W. Bartelmez, Arthur T. Hertwig, Jessie L. King, Adolph W. Schultz, L.H. Schmidt, and others. Emphasis is on the remarkably diverse community of scientists who worked at and around the Department over the years.

The problems of mass society were widely written about in the twenty years following World War Two. Works such as David Riesman's The Lonely Crowd and William Whyte's The Organization Man bemoaned the growth of conformity and the supplanting of autonomous individuals with homogenous groups. This paper describes how a group of psychologists and lay experts answered this problem by (re)constructing the creative personality type. The creative personís individuality was not compromised by involvement in social groups. At the same time the creative person, unlike the genius, was imagined as part of society, rather than as isolated from other people. In fact, the creative type exhibited many social virtues such as lack of prejudice, open-mindedness, and flexibility. The creative personís binary opposite was the conformist who was constructed as rigid, prejudiced, and inflexible. By creative personís social role was enhanced by making creativity rather than non-conformity the opposite of conformity. As a consequence, by making autonomy an internal psychic trait rather a social matter, these psychologists advanced a vision of society that allowed for individual distinctiveness while retaining its cohesion.

I will present an overview of the Arabo-Latin glossary project undertaken with the Arabic and Latin editions of Maimonidesí treatise On Asthma, (Arabic edition prepared by Gerrit Bos; Latin edition prepared by Michael McVaugh; glossary prepared by myself). The glossary will be completed by that time, and so these remarks are in the form of conclusions drawn from that research. On Asthma is known to have been translated twice into Latin, first by Armengaud Blaise (1294), and later by anonymous, possibly John of Capua (c. 1380). After briefly describing the contents, I will discuss stylistic features of each translation, in order to draw a comparison, and to evaluate the relative merits of each. D. Gutas and G. Endress in their Graeco-Arabic Lexicon adopt a scheme, a sort of ìtranslation grammarî, by which to analyze the transformations of specific expressions. How this scheme was adapted for Arabo-Latin transformations will be shown. Other efforts at Arabo-Latin analysis, such as that of S. van Riet, Avicenna Latinus, will be compared with the present one. Finally, drawing on experience analyzing Graeco-Arabic and Arabo-Latin translations, I will make general remarks about the sort of insights which can be drawn from this painstaking lexicographical analysis.

This paper will explore the role of London-based men's mathematical clubs and nationally circulated periodicals in fostering a masculine mathematical culture in mid-eighteenth-century England. The paper will focus on the interface between the private social world of the club and the public sphere of print in establishing a competitive, masculine mathematical discourse. Most of the material debated in these arenas had not yet been securely established in secondary and post-secondary curricula, underscoring the significant role of British homosocial club culture and a print-based public sphere in shaping cultural expectations of new mathematical techniques, among them Newtonian infinitesimal calculus. An important focus of the paper will be the importance of this discursive process in fostering an atmosphere of exclusion with regard to women's pursuit of higher mathematics.

Although Nicholas Copernicus in his published writings never mentioned the question of extraterrestrial intelligent life, it was above all this cleric from a remote corner of Europe who opened the door through which extraterrestrials entered the modern world. This presentation will discuss when and how this process took place and how it interacted with the acceptance of the Copernican system. The presentation will include discussion of religious aspects of the debate over whether intelligent extraterrestrials exist, but attention will also be given to such issues as the 'Copernican Principle,' claims regarding extra-solar planets and the 'infinitization' of the universe, and the cultural aspects of the extraterrestrial life debate. Among the points to be developed are that the debate over extraterrestrials significantly influenced the reception of heliocentrism and that resistance to Copernicanism lasted longer than is usually assumed.

The Italian natural philosopher Antonio Vallisneri (1661-1730) is perhaps best known for his work on human reproduction, but he was a respected naturalist as well. My paper will explore the manner in which Vallisneri's participation in the international network of scientific exchange affected his methodology, with a particular focus on his De' Corpi marini che su Monti si trovano (1721) (Of marine Bodies found on Mountains). The book is a collection of letters, all part of his actual correspondence, on the subject of fossils and other topics in which he was then participating in scholarly debates. As I will argue, the letter is a very good metaphor for understanding Vallisneri's natural philosophy, and for exploring the historical context in which worked. Vallisneri was an active participant in the circulation of knowledge and natural objects across political and cultural borders; he had an extensive network of correspondents throughout Europe with whom he exchanged letters, books, and curiosities. The act of corresponding with other natural philosophers constituted the frame of reference for his world view, and the Republic of Letters was a fundamental source of status and legitimacy for his scholarly work.

The aims of this paper is to discuss the methods used by different translators in Anglo-Saxon times in order to render Latin texts of medicine.

As it is well known, the Anglo-Saxons were the first to translate in a European vernacular language Latin scientific and technical treatises of the late antique period. Among these treatises, an outstanding position is held by the so-called Old English Herbal, the translation of a group of medical tracts in Latin, which together can be considered to form the common pharmacopoeia of the early middle Ages. This translation is also very interesting as it offers the possibility to study how different translators worked on the same texts. In fact both the pseudo-Apuleius Herbarius and the Medicina ex animalibus served as a source for many of the remedies included in Anglo-Saxon collections from very early times. The existence of different translations of the same Latin sources can therefore give us an insight into the linguistic competence and the methods used by the translators to render the Latin originals and all their contents from a language to another.

This paper explores the fashioning of anatomical modelling as a medical practice in eighteenth-century Italy. It investigates the circumstances in which anatomical models were constructed as reliable sources of medical knowledge; and examines how medical discourse, visual codes, conventions of gender and carnivalesque culture affected the way in which anatomical modelling elaborated norms of representation of the human body. In the course of the eighteenth-century, the meaning of anatomical models varied in relation to their employment as pedagogic tools in Universities, as specimens of collections and Grand Tour displays or as devotional pieces elaborating on the motif of the "memento mori". This paper analyzes how anatomical models set the stage for complex encounters between the gaze of the viewer and the authority of the modeler, between shifting patterns of conceptualisation of the human body and codified forms of visual representation. Focusing on the wax-works of the Bolognese Anna Morandi Manzolini (1716-1774) and the "anatomical machines" of the Neapolitan Raimondo di Sangro (1710-1771), I explore the social contexts, cultural environments, practices of knowledge, and religious motifs that constributed to define the status of anatomical models as reliable representations of the human body.

For more than three centuries scientists, historians, and popularizers of science have been repeating the claim that Copernicus 'dethroned' Earth from its 'privileged' central position in the universe. However, a survey of pre-Copernican natural philosophy refutes the now standard assumption that geocentrism implied anthropocentrism-or that literal, spatial centrality entailed figurative, axiological centrality. And Copernicans' own account of the axiological meaning of the new astronomy further discredits the cliché about Earth's "demotion." It is not yet clear how or when Copernicanism came to be seen as entailing a demotion for humankind. Early occurrences of this inference appear in some French writers from the 1640s on, among them Cyrano de Bergerac and Bernard le Bouvier de Fontenelle. Perhaps the inference was made more credible by occasional expressions-for example by Donne and Pascal-of alienation at the larger and culturally less familiar cosmos envisaged by the new astronomy. Like any great idea or discovery, heliocentrism and the consequent "enlargement" of the universe evoked contrary responses. It is peculiar, though, that fearful responses have received such overwhelming emphasis, when other interpreters-including prominent Christian, scientifically informed figures such as John Wilkins and Cotton Mather-are so clearly exhilarated by the new cosmic vistas.

William E. Webb's 1872 Buffalo Land was a combination wild west adventure story and land agent's advertisement. Webb's dime novel format included a considerable amount of material on Kansas paleontological field work at an early point in the history of scientific explorations of the state. Connections between Webb and Edward Drinker Cope have been previously noted by Taft(1953). This paper further explores the connections between Webb, land agent for the Kansas Pacific Railroad, and Cope the paleontologist and discusses Webb's use of Cope's scientific work and publications as parts of Webb's own book, Buffalo Land. This "contribution" by Cope seems to have been quite acceptable to the scientist.

This paper describes the evolution of the Relaciones Geograficas compiled by the Spanish imperial government during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. Early Relaciones reveal the Crown's interest in exploiting the natural resources of the New World from the first decades of colonial settlement, a major aim of colonization that has been hitherto overshadowed by a traditional historiographical focus on the export of precious metals. Moreover, later Relaciones indicate both a sustained and intensified interest in natural resources, particularly regarding Spanish discovery of indigenous drugs in the Americas. Backed by strong institutional support of the Council of the Indies, the Royal Natural History Museum, the Royal Pharmacy, and the Royal Botanical Garden in Madrid, this interest led to a full-scale program for experimentation, cultivation, and incorporation of indigenous drugs into a European pharmacopoeia. This nascent economic botany predated similar English aims, but was interrupted by the wars of Independence, whereupon indigenous drugs and a newly developed American pharmacopoeia were incorporated into official efforts to construct national identity.

In recent years, a number of scholars have analyzed the crises of fourteenth-century Europe - the Great Famine, the Black Death, and the Hundred Years' War - and the tendency of contemporary observers to interpret these disasters within an apocalyptic framework. Late medieval apocalypticism is usually discussed by scholars in terms of its religious implications; in contrast, this paper explores how apocalyptic thinking led to the study of the natural world. It examines the natural philosophy of John of Rupescissa (c. 1310-c. 1364), a Franciscan friar and the author of numerous treatises on apocalyptic prophecy and medical alchemy. Motivated by the recent Franciscan Spiritual controversy and the

apocalyptic reading of history promoted by Joachim of Fiore, Rupescissa viewed natural philosophy as a means both to rescue the Church from the imminent attack of the antichrist and to institute a period of physical and spiritual health on earth. This paper argues that Rupescissa's apocalyptic concerns led him to interpret natural biological and chemical processes in terms of their connection to salvation history. Rupescissa used a number of eschatological metaphors to describe and dramatize the workings of medical alchemy on the human body; for instance, he named medicines "heaven" and "hell," and compared their operations to the Passion of Christ or to the collective death and resurrection of humanity. Through these metaphors, Rupescissa collapsed distinctions between the natural and the supernatural, asserting an inherent unity in the cosmos, and connecting his alchemy to Joachite predictions of a spiritual age to come.

The eruption of Krakatau in the Netherlands East Indies in 1883 had profound global effects: it erupted seven cubic kilometers of rocks and ashes up to seventy kilometers into the atmosphere; a fine dust blew around the earth several times; the explosion was heard as far away as Australia; the resulting tsunami killed more than thirty-six thousand people; and the immediate surroundings of the volcano were plunged in utter darkness for three days. The effects of this event were not limited to southeast Asia. On the contrary, the eruption demonstrated that a single catastrophe taking place on one side of the world could affect (for example) the climate on the very other side. The natural disaster of Krakatau staged an experiment on a very large scale, an experiment that turned the world into a laboratory. By interesting (and essential) coincidence, the catastrophe occurred at just the moment that it could become a global subject: with the existence of a well-developped colonial bureaucracy; the establishment of transoceanic communications; the standardization of measurements; and the diffusion of science to the areas most distant from Europe. The Krakatau event thus stimulated systemic and global thinking in the sciences, seeking to establish links between phenomena hitherto considered as distinct.

Field primatology emerged as a serious endeavor following WWII in Japan, the United States, and Europe, mainly in Great Britain and the Netherlands. These three traditions had distinct ways of conceptualizing and studying primate behavior, asked different questions, and were located in different disciplines. This paper will focus on these dissimilarities, particularly in reference to the divergence in methodology between the early post-war practices in the United States and Europe. The influence of classical ethology informed the two major centers that trained primatologists in Europe: the University of Utrecht, and Cambridge University. The influence in both schools came initially from Niko Tinbergen. Primatology in Britain began at the Madingley laboratory at Cambridge University, founded by W.H. Thorpe as an Ornithological Field Station in the mid 1950s. The careful field methods developed by classical ethology and ornithology laid the groundwork for how primate behavior would be studied in Britain. Primatology in the United States began as an anthropological discipline, strongly influenced by the ideas of Sherwood Washburn, who directed fifteen of the first nineteen PhD dissertations in the U.S related to behavioral primatology. One consequence of U.S. primatology's disciplinary location within anthropology was an emphasis on using primate behavior to understand human evolution. Washburn developed the idea that primates, including humans, shared a basic behavioral pattern - the "primate pattern"- that it was the job of the field primatologist to uncover. Primatologists trained in Europe and working within the framework of Tinbergen's "four questions" were less exclusively focused on questions of evolutionary function. In consequence, the emergence of sociobiology in the 1970s impacted these two schools quite differently.

The Rev. John Wesley, M.A. (1703-1791) is commonly remembered as the founder of the Methodist Church. But he also considered the medical treatment of his followers to be part of his pastoral responsibility. He collected and read widely from the medical works available to him from the 17th and 18th centuries, and selectively followed contemporary trends in the field. He did not do surgery, and passed on complicated cases to physicians. His first medical publication, in 1746, was entitled, A Collection of Receits for the Use of the Poor. This was expanded into Primitive Physick, which in the years 1747-91, was continually revised through 23 editions, containing what Wesley thought to be the best available remedies gathered from a variety of sources, many of which he himself tried. And while early electrical experimentation was taking place in the scientific world around him, Wesley also made medical experiments with electricity, publishing his results in Desideratum, 1760. Wesley also published tracts in response to contemporary controversies over the medical results of tea drinking, gout, nervous disorders, Onanism. His emphasis was often on preventative methods. His philosophy with respect to remedies was based on the principle that simple "receits" heal as well as complicated ones, that local botanical substances were cheaper and preferred to exotic foreign imports, and all substances he identified, when possible, by their English vernacular names instead of medical Latin, which naturally brought him into conflict with physicians and apothecaries.

The politics of tobacco control changed significantly in the early 1980s with the publication of evidence of the health effects of second-hand smoke. Subsequently, the tobacco industry began a coordinated and well-funded effort to discredit individuals and organizations claiming that second-hand smoke caused disease. The ability of the tobacco companies to wield their economic power to influence legislative politics is widely recognized; however, their strategies for credibly circulating scientific claims favorable to their interests has been less well studied. Newly accessible documentary materials provide the necessary level of detail for such a historical and sociological study of tobacco science politics. As a result of recent litigation against the tobacco industry, over 40 million pages of internal tobacco company and tobacco trade organization files have been made publicly available. Most of these documents are accessible electronically on an internet site sponsored by the American Legacy Foundation. Tobacco documents related to the management of the second-hand smoke problem were identified and analyzed to define the role of experts in the tobacco industry's response to the political and public health problem in the United States. The tobacco industry knew it had little credibility with the public and that scientists directly affiliated with the tobacco industry were unlikely to be believed. The tobacco industry, especially through its trade organization, the Tobacco Institute, developed a well-organized program for using scientific consultants as experts. The implications for understanding the relationship between expert knowledge and public health regulation will be discussed as well as the historiography of tobacco document research.

In a seminal paper Van Helden has shown that the invention of the refracting telescope came about in the Low Countries, most likely not much prior to 1608, when a Dutch lens-maker first applied to the States-General for a patent. He also considered earlier attempts at making a telescope, foremost by Digges and Bourne in Elizabethan England, to be unsuccesful and belonging to the prehistory of the telescope. However, more recently, Ronan and Rienitz have argued that Digges and Bourne were successful at making a primitive reflecting telescope. Considering the culturally omnipresent idea of telescopic magnification and the early availability of the optical components, concave mirrors and convex and concave lenses, in the 15th century, the delay of the invention of the telescope presents a problem of historical explanation. This paper attempts to explain this delay by placing the prehistory of the telescope in the context of 16th century optics, as appropriated by mathematical practitioners involved with the design of optical instruments. It will be shown that 16th century mathematical practitioners, in particular, Ettore Ausonio, introduced the practical notion of the point of inversion, not present in medieval optics, to describe image formation in concave spherical mirrors. Bourne and Della Porta subsequently transferred the point of inversion to image formation in convex lenses. In their hands, the point of inversion became the means to invent a reflecting telescope. Moreover, it is shown that reflecting telescopes were invented for purposes of visual representation, in particular, map-making with distant city views, evolving out of the painterly practice of the use of the camera obscura. Finally, it is argued that the reflecting telescope did not cause the take-off of the telescope, because of the incomplete control of the magnification of the instrument. Only in 1609 Galileo understood that magnification depended upon the focal length of the convex lens on the basis of his acquaintance with the knowledge embodied in a workshop procedure to test the curvature of lenses, used by contemporaneous spectacle-makers. Thus, by considering the telescope against the background of the practical knowledge in 16th century optics, it is shown why the telescope was invented at this particular moment of the history of instrumental practice.

Astronomical manuscripts were an essential part of the extensive production of copies of classical texts in the empire of Charlemagne and his successors. As part of this process, planetary diagrams were not only copied but created and often used as pedagogical tools, which circulated through both teaching and the lending and copying of texts with their diagrams. From four classical texts used by Carolingian scholars, we shall follow the circulation and some concurrent transformations of important planetary diagrams in the manuscripts. Pliny the Elder's description of planetary apsides inspired a Carolingian diagram whose versions multiplied with the manuscript copies that were made. Macrobius's commentary on Cicero's Dream of Scipio contained a canonical diagram of planetary order that experienced a remarkable transformation in its Carolingian copies. As scholars of the day invented diagrams for certain planetary phenomena reported in the astronomical textbook by Martianus Capella, a selection process, dictated by the circulation of certain manuscripts, led to a standard set of Carolingian diagrams to accompany this work. And finally, the Carolingian diagrams for the unequal lengths of the four seasons, found in manuscripts of Capella and of Calcidius's commentary on Plato's Timaeus, show certain difficulties in conceptualizing the explanation of this phenomenon. These four examples do not exhaust the sources. The circulation of planetary diagrams in manuscripts shows us the efforts and the effects of Carolingian attempts to clarify and expand astronomical knowledge.

After the 1745 Jacobite rebellion in Scotland, the British government realized that it knew more about the coasts and topography of its colonies than it did about its northern most kingdom. To solve this problem they commissioned several scientific explorations over the next three decades. One of the leading naturalists involved in this venture was Rev. John Walker, the future Professor of Natural History at the University of Edinburgh. Focusing on Walker, this paper will investigate the nature of eighteenth century geographical exploration in Scotland and how it was used to identify minerals that could be intellectually and commercially commodified back in Edinburgh. Using Walker's notes and letters, the first section will trace the two trips that he took into the Hebrides and Highlands and discuss how he identified 'fossils' that that would be of economic interest to the aristocracy and to the professors back in the Medical School. The second section then demonstrates how crossing the border of the Lowlands into the Hebrides and Highlands conferred scientific prestige upon him. I will show that the knowledge which he gained in his travels allowed him 1) to obtain patronage and positions within the Medical School and 2) to create a uniquely Scottish mineralogical classification system that he taught to medical students who would eventually go on to explore Australia, India and Africa.

Before his association with the X-Club, before his work with the Economist, before his friendship with literary figures like John Chapman, George Eliot and George Henry Lewes, Herbert Spencer was part of another social network - his family. His father and various colourful, prominent uncles dominated the young man, educating him in natural history and shaping his views on politics and religion. But members of Spencer's family also gave Spencer the desire to become an author. Following the widespread popularity of the political tracts written by his uncle, the maverick Reverend Thomas Spencer, Herbert published his first article at age sixteen, on crystallization. Other early articles examined topics as diverse as democratic politics, skew arches for bridges, geometric theorems and phrenology. When 23, Spencer left a promising career in railroad engineering, moving to London to make a living as a writer. But he failed, eventually having to borrow 5 pounds from his father for the sad trip home to Derby. A second attempt was more successful, however, as Spencer relied on family help and contacts in the world of radical democrats and religious Dissenters to gain sub-editorships - first in Birmingham and then at the Economist. Recent histories have illustrated some of the processes through which Victorian texts took shape, defining author and audience; this paper tries to build on these insights in a more personal arena. Spencer's desire to write and carve out a publishing career for himself was on the one hand a declaration of independence from his family, of autonomy - while also an admission of dependence upon it. Amidst a cultural atmosphere of growing Individualism, this was an intellectual and social tension Spencer was never able to reconcile.

The International Geographical Congress in London 1895 pointed to the Antarctic as a last remaining area of the world to be charted. This prompted a series of expeditions from various countries, some of them fired by nationalism others with a genuine internationalist ethos. The paper considers the two main waves of expeditions 1901-1905 and 1908-1914, analyzing their differences in character and focus as well as the context of a mounting nationalism that led to the serious rupture in international scientific cooperation with World War I. While the story of the International Research Council and Allied efforts to isolate German scientific communities is well known, little has been done to trace repercussions in Antarctic polar research. By fixing on the career of Otto Nordenskjold, who led the Swedish Antarctic Expedition 1901-1903, and his efforts to promote the International Polar Commission, some aspects of this question are addressed. Nordenskjold's position as a neutral will be contrasted to that of the captain of the earlier Belgica expedition, Lecointe, who played an important role on the side of the anti-German lobby. Apart from throwing light on the interplay and translation of internationalism and nationalism in agendas of exploration and research, attention will also be directed to the imagery used to domesticate icy landscapes beyond human frontiers, with or without the use of artificial life support systems.

Edward Pusey, the leader of Oxford's Tractarian party after 1844, articulated a conservative, Christian idea of a university throughout the reform debates of the 1850s, and opposed the awarding of honorary doctorates to Darwin and Huxley in 1870. Nonetheless, as an enduring and influential figure in university politics, he supported the growth of the sciences. Pusey's friends included the physician Henry Acland, and the physiologist George Rolleston. These friendships facilitated the growth of science at Oxford, even while they influenced the character and structure of science education. This close study of the topography of science and faith shows the importance of friendship in shaping a local culture of science in an age more typically characterized by conflict.

In the late 1930s, New York City's Maternity Center Association (MCA) believed a crisis existed in the concept of fatherhood. MCA's publications claimed that the father often felt frustrated because he was "the forgotten man" - "no longer husband and father but merely the man around the house." This leading institution in maternal health began offering classes for expectant fathers, arguing that such classes would not only lead to improved health for mothers and babies, but also allow men to feel once again feel like authorities in their households. Through an analysis of MCA's publications targeted at expectant fathers, this paper seeks to understand the type of messages a pioneering maternal health organization sent to its new audience, and why it sent those messages. For several decades, health professionals and social reformers had believed in the power of knowledge and education to transform women into good - and scientific - mothers. In the interwar years, MCA decided that fathers needed education too. MCA's publications for expectant fathers aimed at restructuring the family's attitudes toward pregnancy and birth. Because these books were geared toward men, they specifically addressed attitudes toward manhood. They tapped into men's supposed feelings of inferiority about birth and babies and tried to create a new, and yet very traditional, image of masculinity. The publications also promoted anxiety about the birth of a baby, saying terrible things would occur both for the mother and baby if they were not under expert care and for the family if the father was not adequately prepared for his new role.

In Greek Egypt, astrology had affiliations with astronomy and magic, as well as religion and philosophy. Until recently, however, we have not known much about the circumstances in which astrological consultations took place. Who were the practitioners? Where did they practice? What apparatus did they use? By drawing on a range of sources, including literary texts, papyri, engraved gems and mummy portraits, we can sketch a surprisingly detailed picture of the professional practice of astrology in the second century.

Historians of science often investigate the inaccessible: how transforming ideas originate. In addition to the curious mixtures of preparation and inspiration, of circumstance and social networking, of novel instrumentation and blind luck that have led to scientific breakthroughs, another contributing factor could be cited: the potential syntactic patterns, or figures of speech, available to the investigator who is forming ideas into language. 'Rhetorical Figures in Science' documents the presence of figure-driven argument forms in scientific arguments across different fields and centuries. A stronger case might be made not only for the role of figures in expressing ideas, but also for stimulating them in the first place. Seventeenth-century natural philosophers were thoroughly trained in dialectic and rhetoric, and the pedagogy of both these disciplines emphasized the rhetorical figures, not only for parsing classical texts and composing in Latin but also for dialectical exercises where framing opposite or reversed claims from an original proposition was common practice. Given this training, stylistic practice was intimately linked with rational procedure; polemicists at the time knew how to epitomize an argument in a figured proposition, a fixed syntactic pattern. They also knew how to support or "fill" a figure of speech representing a particular line of argument. Thus the figures could serve as prompts in the search for evidence and the design of experiments. Cases where a figure, the epitome of a line of argument, both influenced a claim and then the construction of supporting evidence can be found in the works of Kepler, Harvey, and Newton, among many others. The role of antithesis and antimetabole in the construction of Harvey's De Motu Cordis et Sanguinis is a case in point. The sources of Harvey's insight have been characterized as obscure; analogy (or metaphor) plays no significant role in the text. But antithesis and antimetabole do structure key passages in his prose, and, arguably, they directed his thinking and research. The need to support claims in the form of these figures guided his selection of existing evidence (e.g. from sixteenth-century discoveries of the anatomical differences between veins and arteries) and his search for new evidence (e.g. from vivisection and quantitative approximations of the amount of blood ejected in systole). Cases like Harvey's demonstrate the extent to which rhetorical training informed scientific discovery in a much deeper sense than is often appreciated.

This paper discusses the issue of science and informal empire by examining the activities of Victorian naturalists in China. The Opium War broke out in 1839. China was defeated and forced to open treaty ports for trade with the Western powers. The British were no longer confined to the city of Canton as they had been for more than eighty years. Not only did they have more freedom to travel in China, first at the treaty ports and later in the interior, but they established diplomatic and missionary institutions in China. The most important of them - the British Consular Service, the Chinese Maritime Customs, and the Protestant missionary organizations - provided talent for natural history research and became networks for scientific information. The research into China's natural history epitomized the characteristics of British research on China in general: it engaged in collecting and circulating an ever increasing amount of information and aimed at producing "factual" and "useful" knowledge about China. The Chinese, however, occupied central critical links in the networks. The Chinese converts of the missionary establishments and the Chinese staffs of the diplomatic institutions, for example, controlled knowledge and power that the naturalists were eager to utilize, such as their knowledge of language and geography. This paper discusses the complex pattern of domination and resistance between various British and Chinese groups in the enterprise of British scientific imperialism.

Beginning during World War II and continuing throughout the Cold War the bacterium Francisella tularensis was altered genetically and morphologically to enhance its ability to act as an airborne biological weapon. Especially adept at the respiratory invasion of higher mammals, checked through immediate vaccination and antibiotics, and adaptable to industrial storage and airborne release technologies, the pathogen met the design criteria of those scientists, engineers and physicians who created the first generation of American biological weapons. Experimental success in the manipulation and production of an organism more invasive, lethal and hardy than that found in nature, led to the industrial scale-up of this organism through the adoption of technological and instrumental practices found in chemical engineering, food and pharmaceutical production. The result was an industrially modified organism that could be used as a tactical or strategic airborne weapon that could incapacitate or kill specifically targeted civilian and military populations. Biological weapons in general, and F. tularensis in particular are of historiographic importance to those interested in the scientific and technological evolution of industrial microbiology in the 20th Century. This paper will examine the scientific and technological modifications made to the pathogen Francisella tularensis, a nonmotile, gram-negative coccobacillus, the etiological agent of rabbit fever, and one of the first biological weapon's mass-produced by the United States. Existing as both naturally occurring living organisms and as the modified products of manufacturing processes, biological weapons present the historian of science and technology with an excellent case study of the modern development and evolution of a biological technology for military purposes. Although there exists an ever-growing and thematically varied literature on the study of 'model organisms" and the standardization of organisms for specific scientific, technological, and medical purposes, historians and sociologists of science have invariably concentrated on academic settings with little investigation or comparison to industrial and military laboratories or in the material culture of industrial microorganisms. An examination of tularemia research unites the seemingly disparate histories of academic and industrial microbiology, the phenomenon of standardization of organisms for experimental use, and the simultaneous development of standardization processes and artifacts within the manufacturing sector, most specifically in the design and production of weapons. An examination of the scientific and technological modifications made to the pathogen allows insights into the process by which microbial organisms are weaponized for military use. In addition, this research examines the organizational and institutional relationships between various academic, industrial, and military researchers within the microbiological community in the United States. Particular attention will be paid to the institutional, political, and technological processes that created an airborne delivery system for dry and wet formulations of this biological weapon.

This essay examines the idea of 'sympathy' that pervaded European social theory and physiology by 1725. Throughout Europe, and especially in France and Scotland, scientists imagined that the concept could unite the two realms of discourse. Physiologists adopted the term to characterize the communication between the organs of a single human body, and between the sensory organs and the environment in which the body found itself. The same physiological communication that was imagined to account for somatic sympathy was used to explain the effects of the 'passions of the mind' on the sensations and impressions of the body. And the 'passions of the mind', these doctors noted, are very often infectious, demonstrating the unconscious communication between different people that is captured by the concept of 'social sympathy'. The ambition to unify social and medical theory, however, stumbled over an unstable definition of the term that introduced a number of metaphorical associations with much older ideas. As the eighteenth century drew to a close, sympathy became inextricably linked, especially in the British mind, to French revolutionary politics. Sympathy never became a distinct phenomenon with a stable definition, and it was never entirely purged of supernatural and even political associations.

The medical term "pre-menstrual syndrome," popularized as "PMS" in the 1980s and 1990s, is implicated in an amazing number of border crossings, as it has been used by women and men born in the United States after 1960. In an extensive series of oral history interviews, I found that young American women and men use the term "PMS" both in ways which refer to, and draw upon, medical definitions of the term "pre-menstrual syndrome," but also in ways which broaden and complicate the meaning of "PMS." It is a term which, depending on the circumstance, my interviewees explained ; could refer to anything having to do with menstruation; could refer to certain behavior of any women, even pre-menarcheal or menopausal, at any time; could be used by women or men, talking about women or men; and which could refer to anyone's "bad attitude" or bad mood. This paper will examine "PMS" as a term and an idea which women and men use to cross the boundary between the medical and the popular, the mentionable and the unmentionable, and various boundaries of gender, crossings which are notable given that the boundaries are so much more stable when the term is "menstruation." Complicating the feminist analyses of PMS by Emily Martin and others, it will also examine the implications of these boundary-crossings for structuring power relationships both between men and women and among women.

I have argued in Thomas Kuhn: A Philosophical History for Our Times (Chicago 2000) that Kuhn's work has marked a step backward from a conception of the history of science that is integrated not only with the other science studies disciplines but also with science itself. While this point is often valorized as having led to the 'autonomy' of the history of science as a field of inquiry, its costs have been the relative lack of influence that professional history of science has had on science popularisations written by scientists and science journalists. This is not a trivial point, since history remains the most important narrative form through which science is legitimated in contemporary society. Moreover, the autonomization of history of science as a field of inquiry has led to some rather distorted judgements about both the interest and knowledge that earlier philosophers and sociologists, as well as scientists, have had about historical matters. In some respects, 'Kuhnification' has even increased the difficulty of integrating history of science within general history. I shall critique these trends in response to the issues raised by previous panellists.

The printing of intaglio plates for book illustration and the various ways in which the impressions are combined with texts, which are printed in a different workshop using a different technology, has not yet been addressed by printing historians. This first study of the workshop practices involved, founded on external sources as well as new methods of analytical bibliography, shows how technology affects the interaction between text and image. This in turn influences how illustrations are deployed by authors. I will argue that the interpretation of an illustrated text depends on knowing how it was produced, and understanding the negotiations and economic relations existing among authors, artists, print-makers, book-printers and publishers. Ultimately this study may lead to an understanding of the revolution in book-illustration that took place between the woodcut illustrations used by Vesalius (1543) and the engravings with which Robert Hooke illustrated his Micrographia (1665).

The Chicago School of sociology used its hometown as a "laboratory" (as they called it) for the study of urban life and structures. But what did it mean, exactly, to make a city into a lab--in the context of their various empirical studies of hobos, gangs, Gold Coasts and slums? I explore the following dilemma, one that is inherent in any research based on a distinctively bounded field-site: how can the analyst claim the a study of THIS place is germane for understanding practices and processes in any OTHER place? This, of course, is the old Weberian bugbear of "generalizing from a single case"--but now given a geographical spin. How can the immanent uniqueness of a place be overcome as it becomes a site for the discovery of transcendent scientific truths? The abundant limitations of "the field" are overcoming by fashioning it into a lab.

Crossing the border from middle into old age has long been deemed a significant moment in life; physiological transformations accompany changes in social, sexual, and even gender identity. Graying hair, failing memory, dimming sight, loss of teeth, and waning sexual desire-- these are the tell-tale signs of the coming of old age listed by Sylvanus Stall in his 1901 book, What a Man of 45 Ought to Know. A loss of sexual desire, and desirability, were typical symptoms of 'the climacteric,' a general physical and psychological crisis both men and women were said to experience at the onset of old age. My paper will examine the medical and scientific construction of male and female sexuality at the climacteric (which later collapsed into hormonally-defined menopause) around the turn of the last century. For example, there were often complications when cultural norms and physiological theories, along with notions of what is "natural" and what is "old," encountered the particulars of human existence, and medical literature warned that climacteric men and women might become hyper-sexual and/or perverted at this time. Medical discussion about the climacteric highlights how central and powerful was the equation between old age and loss of fertility, and further challenges the theory that a 'two-sex' model dominated during the nineteenth century. Furthermore, debates surrounding the male climacteric provide an historical instance of the female body being taken as the 'norm' while medical professionals attempted to diagnose a parallel syndrome for the male. In the process, both continuing sexual desire and the loss of it became symptoms of a pathological 'climacteric crisis' in need of medical attention.

Perhaps the most crucial primary document for the formation of the Russian chemical community is a German scientific periodical, and a relatively marginal one at that. For most of the 1860s, the primary outlet for chemical publications by Russian chemists was German -- German in language, German in provenance. Given the absence of a Russian-language chemical journal between the folding of Sokolov and Engel'gardt's Chemical Journal in the late 1850s and the foundation of the Russian Chemical Society's Journal in 1868, the growing community of Russian chemists were forced to publish in foreign-language journals. Although there was a wide spectrum of possible venues, Russian chemists disproportionately and almost exclusively patronized the Zeitschrift für Chemie, which was founded by an editorial collective around August KekulÈ in Heidelberg in 1858 but soon came under the personal and complete control of Heidelberg Privatdozent Emil Erlenmeyer. Erlenmeyer's peculiar publication practices and at-times offensive editorial "commentaries" alienated many of the leading chemists of Europe -- but not the Russians. His particular closeness with the Russian postdoctoral community in Heidelberg in the early 1860s (he was in several important cases, such as D. I. Mendeleev's, the only German chemist socialized with), enabled Erlenmeyer to establish a network of communication that helped develop both the nascent Russian chemical community and his journal. This Russian-German connection was further reinforced when the Zeitschrift left Erlenmeyer and Heidelberg for Göttingen and an editorial board involving German-Russian chemical prodigy Friedrich Beilstein. Russian publications in German did diminish somewhat after 1868, but the importance of the Zeitschrift lasted long beyond its folding in 1871. The particular editorial practices and peculiarities embedded in the periodical by Erlenmeyer served as primary exemplars for the Russians when they were constructing their own professional society and professional journal. Uncovering the processes of domestic formation of the scientific discipline of chemistry in Russia, therefore, requires an investigation of the oddities of journal publication in Heidelberg. What made the Zeitschrift unusual for German scientific literature thus has strong implications for what made the Russian chemical community distinct in the second half of the nineteenth century.

How did biologists manage, coordinate, and practice biology in the Netherlands East Indies, a society that had no tradition of universities or scientific academies? By examining the scientific culture of the Botanical Gardens at Buitenzorg, I show how biologists shaped their discipline within the constraints of a colonial regime. In my paper, I argue that Melchior Treub--director of the Gardens between 1880 and 1909--built the biology discipline around bureaucratic practices characteristic of colonial society. He shaped colonial biology by laying an empirical basis of nature with a herbarium, a biological archive of the plants of the colony. The herbarium held together a scientific network that included European botanists, colonial bureaucrats, foresters, and export crop cultivators. Treub managed access to this archive and controlled the direction of research from his desk. Because Treub could not tap into the preexisting authority of universities or scientific academies, he exerted power through a new scientific culture of bureaucracy. By holding a virtual monopoly on natural knowledge, epitomized by his success in transforming the Botanical Gardens into the Department of Agriculture in 1905, Treub retained control of the discipline without capitulating to the needs of the colonial state. Coordinated studies of ecology and taxonomy became the basis of biological knowledge, both 'pure' and 'applied.' Treub published a half-dozen scientific journals and invited a steady stream of Europeans to study at the visitors' lab; these contacts boosted his authority as the colony's preeminent scientist. The colonial government was impressed by his standing, but was most sympathetic when Treub and his colleagues acted like bureaucrats. Dutch colonial biology developed in the compromise between bureaucratic practices and European ideals of science.

From the cold war to the triumph of capitalism a rich tradition of popular science writing has interpreted human behavior and society in the light of the changing constructs through which biologists have viewed animal behavior and animal societies. Yet surprisingly little attention has been paid to distinguishing the various different research traditions that generated these, often conflicting, accounts of animal nature and by extension human nature. This paper approaches that issue through an examination of the divergence during the 1960s between ethological work by zoologists at the Madingley field station near Cambridge and ethological work within Oxfordís Department of Zoology. These two groups began with a strong sense of shared disciplinary identity derived from the continental ethologists. W.H Thorpe brought what was then the Madingley Ornithological Field Station into being as part of his protracted campaign to bring the ideas and research practices of Konrad Lorenz and Niko Tinbergen to Britain. Tinbergen himself, of course, established ethology at Oxford. The emergence of differences of emphasis between the two loci of research was reflected in the predominantly different responses at those loci to the emergence at the end of the decade of a new conception of the study of animal behavior as sociobiology, and in differences in their self-generated narratives of how animal behavior studies ceased to be predominantly pursued within the disciplinary identity of ethology.