2007 Annual Meeting
Abstracts G-L
Jean-Francois
Gauvin ( Harvard
University)
Music,
Machines, and Theology: Mersenne's Organ as a Christian Symbol of Natural
Philosophy
This
talk centers around Marin Mersenne and one of the most complex machines ever
built in early modern Europe, the organ. In Catholic countries the organ
epitomized liturgical music. In general, no other musical instruments was
allowed during mass--since, theologians believed, it distracted the mind of
churchgoers away from devotional matters and towards sin. Only organ music
possessed an aura of piety and sanctity within the confine of the church.
During the Wars of Religion, organs were destroyed in great numbers by the
reformists and Huguenots alike as the ultimate symbol of past superstition. And
to someone like Athanasius Kircher, a divine organ symbolized God's creation,
each of the six days of creation corresponding to an organ register. The organ
was thus more than a musical instrument: it symbolized Christianity in all its
excellence and imperfections. Marin Mersenne was obviously aware of the organ's
highly religious connotations. It is why, I will argue in this presentation,
Mersenne used it as the perfect rhetorical and material representation of
natural philosophy. In his detailed description of the organ--found in the
"Harmonie universelle" books of instruments--Mersenne tackled the
role and importance of experiments (for the design of organ pipes), musical
theory (for the design of a perfect clavier) and workshop knowledge (for
understanding how materials influenced the production of sounds). In Mersenne's
hands, the organ became more than a Church's devotional symbol: it became as
well the best representation of natural philosophical knowledge. The organ, I
claim, was as much an instrument, or "organum," of Christianity as it
was of natural philosophy. Natural philosophy and theology, thanks to
Mersenne's effort, naturally and figuratively coalesced within the complex
mechanical structure of the organ.
Delia
Gavrus (University
of Toronto)
“Springing
Minerva-like from the Head of Cushing:” Neurosurgery and the Rhetoric of
Therapeutic Superiority
In
a 1931 letter to the Canadian neurosurgeon Wilder Penfield, the British
neurologist Sir Francis Walshe criticized the lack of neurological education of
neurosurgeons, who expect “with no preliminary training to spring Minerva-like
from the head of [American neurosurgeon Harvey] Cushing, full-armed and with
nothing to learn, after a single year’s gestation.” Walshe’s distrust of the
emerging profession of neurosurgery only fueled the enthusiasm and ambition of
neurosurgeons such as Penfield, who replied with equal confidence: “The farther
neurology divorces itself from therapy, the more certain will be the
disappearance of this specialty.” The neurosurgeons sought to define their
professional identity, in part, by attacking neurology’s scope and lack of
therapeutic success. Therapeutics thus emerged as a significant feature in the
disciplinary debate between neurologists and neurosurgeons during a period when
these disciplines were still negotiating their boundaries. I draw on both
archival and published material to examine this rhetoric of therapeutic
superiority, and I show that it constituted an important tool in the process of
discipline building and boundary policing. Neurosurgery emerged as an
independent medical specialty in the 1920s, and neurosurgeons gradually sought
to articulate their identity with respect to the illnesses that fell under
their purview, the techniques they were employing, and the therapies they sanctioned
(epilepsy, for instance, became increasingly surgicalized). This process
inevitably brought neurosurgeons into conflict with other branches of medicine,
and I show how these conflicts informed the professionalization of neurosurgery
in the interwar period.
Oliver
Gaycken (Temple
University)
A
Modern Cabinet of Curiosities: George Kleine and the Educational Film
The
United States lagged behind other national cinemas in the creation of films for
an educational market. As early as 1910, however, George Kleine issued a
catalogue of “educational motion picture films” consisting of titles that he
had collected from a number of European companies, notably Pathé, Gaumont, and
Urban. This paper will argue that Kleine’s role as a collector and distributor
of educational films places him in an unusual position. On the one hand, his
project was aligned with modern pedagogical research that argued for education
via visual means as the most efficient form of instruction. Simultaneously,
however, his film collection recalls the miscellaneous collections of natural
artifacts that were called cabinets of curiosities in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. On the one hand the collection was described generally as
part of a modern plan for the rational deployment of the cinema. But on the
other hand the description and content of individual films frequently displayed
powerful contiguities with the wonders and marvels associated with an earlier
era, where rationality and enchantment had not yet become antithetical. The
Kleine educational film catalogue embodies a number of the contradictions often
associated with visual education, such as the ineradicable presence of the
image’s sensual and sometimes sensational dimension.
C.
Stewart Gillmor (Wesleyan
University)
“Eclosion, Synthesis, Conjugacy and
Symmetry: Lessons from the History of Polar Research”
This
paper comments on similarities and differences in the ways the Polar Regions
have been considered as a function of scientific field; on the public taste; on
particular fields and their ripeness for exploitation; and on the advantages of
international cooperation and competition in polar research. Some remarks are
reflections on the author's fifty years of interest and participation in
northern and southern polar research.
Megan
Glick (Yale
University)
White
Chimpanzees: Primatology as Eugenic Practice in the Work of Robert Mearns
Yerkes
This
paper examines the explosion of interest in nonhuman primates during the early
decades of the twentieth century, within both the scientific community and the
popular cultural sphere, focusing on the transnational photographic and written
records of early primatologist Robert Mearns Yerkes. In doing so, this paper
examines the rise of primatology during the years prior to its formal
institutionalization, considering it in relation to the historical trajectory
of eugenic thought. Yerkes first began his work with nonhuman primates in the
1920s – a “pet project” which would come to require layer upon layer of
colonial organization – from the observation of (primate) colonial
practice in Havana, Cuba, to the establishment of an American scientific
presence in the French African colonies, to the making of a “subtropical
breeding facility” in the rural outskirts of Jacksonville, Florida, and
finally, to the creation of a research metropole in New Haven, Connecticut.
Ultimately, it was a venture that rode the coattails of Yerkes’ earlier work,
as it was not until after he had made a name for himself in the field of
eugenic intelligence testing that he was able to receive the funding necessary
to pursue his long-held interest in primates. By literally fashioning a new
discipline out of the monetary and celebratory remains of an old, Yerkes began
to build an empire on the back of eugenic science that would reinscribe the
terms of race upon on the bodies of a population whom he called “almost human.”
Daniel
Goldstein (University
of California, Davis)
Do
Animals Have Souls and Other Darwinian Dilemmas: Midwesterners React to the
Origin of Species
The
historical literature documents a vigorous debate in the American reception of
the Origin of Species and especially its relationship with revealed religion. But
the responses to Darwin expressed in the records of Midwestern scientific
societies were of a significantly different tone than is reflected in the
literature. There were two principal types of Midwestern responses, neither of
which lent itself to debate or controversy. Many Midwestern naturalists
apparently felt that it made little difference to the work they were doing
whether Darwin's theories were true or not. Others accepted them, taking for
granted that evolution and revealed religion reflected the same truth. Thus the
focus in the Middle Western societies was on how Darwinian evolution complemented
Christian doctrine, not whether or not there might be a conflict. From their
perspective, first Newton, and then, more recently Charles Lyell had developed
scientific theories that at appeared to conflict with Christianity until
further elaboration and interpretation had shown that there they were not at
odds. Midwesterners were confident that the same was true of Darwin. As a
result, in both scientific and popular scientific realms, Midwesterners sought
to answer different types of questions than were frequently addressed
elsewhere. For example: a) assuming humans evolved, did this mean that human
souls evolved as well, and if so, did animals have souls? and b) would angels
be the next branch in the evolutionary tree? This paper will explore these
ideas and the varied contexts in which they were presented.
Catherine
Goldstein (CNRS-
Institut de mathématiques de Jussieu)
Unity
and Reality According to A. N. Whitehead
Alfred
North Whitehead, best known as the logicist coauthor with Bertrand Russell of
the Principia Mathematica or as the philosopher of Process and Reality was also (and perhaps
mainly) an applied mathematician, who, in the early nineteen-twenties,
created a unified theory, integrating electromagnetism and gravitation. His
theory, giving identical predictions to Einstein's for the three classical
tests, was for many years considered one of the best alternatives to general
relativity. But for Whitehead, unlike Einstein and others, fundamental physical
concepts were neither variables in mathematical equations nor the results of
measurement procedures. Two different geometries played central roles, one
corresponding to space-time and the other to a contingent dynamics. In his own
terms, Whitehead's mathematics should paradoxically provide "the greater
freedom to experimental inquiry" --- the mathematician having to take
great pains to avoid any possible ontologization of the mathematical tools he
uses (e.g., tensors), as "cramping the imagination" --- while sharply
delineating a demarcation line between geometry and physics. How such a
proposal for unification can avoid both the geometrization of the world picture
and a banal phenomenological outlook will be the focus of the talk.
Michael
Gordin (Princeton
University)
Second
Time Tragedy: Germans as Russian Chemists from Alexander's Petersburg to
Stalin's Gulag
The
migration of German technical experts to Russia was quite an established
pattern by the advent of Tsar Alexander II's Great Reforms in 1861, which
initiated a further modernization of Imperial Russian institutions, including
technical education. Peter the Great had famously stocked his newly founded St.
Petersburg Academy of Sciences with specialists from Central Europe, and
German-speaking engineers had even earlier been a staple of the Muscovite
economic system. With the advent of native-born, domestically-educated, and
Russian-speaking scientists and technicians in the second half of the
nineteenth century (and the rise of a unified German nation-state), however,
the cultural position of these German scholars in Russian space moved from
subterranean animosity to open hostility. A combination of resentment of and
competition with a Russian-constituted conception of "German science"
emerged in the late nineteenth century that proved to be surprisingly durable
across the chasms of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, the consolidation of
Stalinism, and World War II. This paper explores two cases of German émigré
scientists in Russia (and later the Soviet Union) to explore the degrees of continuity
and discontinuity in this Russian construction of the position and importance
of Germans as scientists. The first case comes from the diminishing embattled
ranks of German nationals within the Russian Chemical Society in the 1870s, and
the second from the few German scientists induced to work on atomic weaponry
for the Soviets in the late 1940s in Russian culture.
Robin
Gordon (Mount
St. Mary's College)
Searching
for the Soror Mystica: Women Alchemists As Scientists, Theologians, and Healers
The
term soror mystica refers to the female helper of the alchemist; however,
besides the woman pictured in the Mutus Liber and the references to the work of
Maria Prophitissa by Jung and a few science historians, I had found little
evidence of female alchemists. Having some familiarity with women in science, I
was sure that there must have been more women practicing alchemy than the few I
was stumbling upon in the traditional alchemical literature. Thus, I began
noting the names of women who associated with known alchemists or were rumored
to have studied alchemy, yet were not given much recognition for their work.
Names emerged in my research such as Lady Katherine Ranelagh (sister of Robert
Boyle), Dorothy Moore (close associate of Katherine’s), and Susanne Katharina
von Klettendon (mentored Goethe). Some of these women sought to produce the
Philosopher's Stone in their laboratories; however, many others had goals tied
to their theology or to producing healing medicines. Their alchemy has been
disparaged as something other than "true" alchemy. My presentation
focuses on the stories of a few of these women and how their work is also a
necessary contribution to the history of Western science.
Robert
Goulding (University
of Notre Dame)
Tearing
Hypatia: The Beginnings of Euclidean Criticism
Throughout
the sixteenth century, there was vigorous debate among mathematicians and
humanists over the Elements of geometry: when it was compiled, by whom and
to what end. At one extreme, Jean Borrel (writing in 1559) insisted that the Elements were written by Euclid
in essentially the form they were still known; at the other, Petrus Ramus (in
his 1569 Scholae mathematicae) argued that the Elements were the end result of
a long, historical process of compilation, editing and reordering, in which
Euclid himself played only a minor role. Ramus bolstered his radical position
through a mistaken (though surprisingly widespread) dating of the Neoplatonic
philosopher Proclus, whose Commentary on Euclid he believed to preserve
a much more primitive version of the Elements than it in fact did.
His error proved to be fruitful, however, as it led him to attempt the first
modern source-critical analysis of the text of the Elements. Ramus's opponent, the
mathematician Henry Savile, compared his dismemberment of the text to the
tearing apart of Hypatia, daughter of Theon, mathematician and pagan martyr.
Savile himself, on the other hand, sought to preserve whole the "beautiful
body" of the Elements on which he famously could find only two
blemishes. Ramus's critical attack on the text, and Savile's defense of it,
opened up the possibility of an "internalist" history of mathematics,
which went beyond the traditional anecdotal and rhetorical histories that
preceded it.
Christopher
Green (York
University)
Why
Ada?: Selecting Someone to Promote Babbage's Analytical Engine in Great
Britain.
Ada
King, Countess of Lovelace, is well-known today for having published an
extensive series of penetrating footnotes to her 1843 translation of a
French-language article about Charles Babbage's Analytical Engine. It was long
assumed that she had done so essentially on her own initiative, carried forward
by her own particular genius for seeing the implications of Babbage's computing
machine. In recent years, however, it has become clear (1) that Lady Lovelace
had only learned basic calculus and logic just prior to writing the notes, (2)
that she did so with the extensive assistance of Babbage in the more technical
passages, and (3) that she was explicitly recruited to write the translation by
Babbage's close friend, Charles Wheatstone. With these facts in mind, the
nature of the question about the origin of the Lovelace's notes changes to
"Why would Wheatstone (and probably Babbage, though he denied it in his autobiography)
have selected Lovelace, of all people, to author the publication that was to
serve as the primary promotional document for Babbage's Analytical Engine in
Great Britain. The answer appears to be that Wheatstone and Babbage were
attempting to generate for Lovelace public authority as a scientific writer so
that they could then use her noble connections to the royal family to place her
as a scientific adviser to Prince Albert cum "lobbyist" on Babbage's
behalf. Why did Babbage require royal funding for his project? Because it was
beyond Babbage's means to fund himself, but he had used up his welcome with the
government by having never completed his earlier Difference Engine, despite
having received 17,000 pounds in Parliamentary funds. Thus, the royal family
appeared to be a possible option, and Lovelace represented his best chance at
currying their favor.
Susan
Groppi (University
of California, Berkeley)
Institution
and Location: The Science of Psychology at State Universities in the American
West, 1880-1910.
The
period between 1880 and 1910 was a transitional period in the history of
American psychology, as the science moved between its initial development and
professionalization and its later maturity and consolidation, and in many ways
it bears little relation to the subsequent history of the field. The rapidity
of the changes in this period, both the spread of applied psychology outside of
the university and the spread of behaviorism within, is something of a
curiosity (bordering on a discontinuity) in the history of the discipline. This
paper is an attempt to address the role played by American institutions of
higher education, particularly the state colleges of the Midwest and West, in
influencing these changes. The American educational landscape in this period
was enormously rich and diverse, but the existing explorations of psychology's
relationship to the university have largely focused on narrow band of
high-profile (and high-prestige) research universities. Psychology programs at
the publicly-funded state colleges in the Midwest and West, in contrast to
their elite counterparts, generally incorporated a very diverse range of
topics, including early forays into not only therapeutic and business
psychology, but also the animal behavior studies that formed the early
foundations for behaviorism. It encompassed the study of individuals as well as
groups, adults as well as children, and even the brains and behaviors of animal
species. Most important of all, though, these instructional programs depict a field
that incorporated a plurality and methodological approaches, theoretical
frameworks, and relationships to other disciplines. Viewing psychology from
this perspective allows us to see this early period in its history as the
fertile ground from which the mature forms of the science developed.
Peter
Guth (US
Naval Academy)
Earth
Science Research and the US Military in the Mid 19th Century
The
mid 19th century saw significant development with the rise of a professional
scientific establishment, and changing roles of civilian scientists relative to
the military. Despite cultural differences, the Army and Navy went through
similar changes from the 1830’s to 1880’s. On land during this period, the
Corps of Topographical Engineers pioneered scientific exploration of the
American West. Following disbanding of the Topographical Engineers during the
Civil War, the Corps of Engineers funded two exploring expeditions during the
late 1860’s and 1870’s. The Wheeler Survey renewed the model for pre-Civil War
surveys, but the nascent scientific establishment much preferred the
civilian-only model of the Army’s King Survey, adopted in the 1879
establishment of the US Geological Survey. At sea during this period, the Navy
made several attempts at scientific research. The 1838-1842 Wilkes expedition
never fully delivered on promised research objectives, in part due to friction
between Naval leaders and civilian scientists. Maury did pioneering work that
designated him “Father of Oceanography,” largely on his own, and when he joined
the Confederate Navy, his work was not continued. Form 1879 to 1882, as the
Army model for western exploration was being rejected, the Navy sent the
<i>Jeannette</i> toward the North Pole. The expedition failed when
ice crushed the ship and only a few survivors got to Russia, but the model for
exploration might never have succeeded in a changing world. American earth
science during this period mirrored developments elsewhere in the world, and
military leadership and logistical support were no longer required.
Sherine
Hamdy (Brown
University)
Islam
and Bioethics Debates in Egypt: Specificities of Practice in Moral Discourse
Why
did organ transplantation set off a heated debate about religious
permissibility in Egypt, while blood transfusion did not? Why do dialysis
patients with kidney failure in Egypt avow that they would never seek a
transplant, but hope instead for the day in which kidneys can be “cloned” from
stem cells? Why did Egyptian women historically shun biomedical obstetric
services, and yet eagerly seek biomedical infertility treatment? In this paper,
I argue that rather than analyzing a relationship between “Islamic ethics” and
“medical science,” we should remain attentive to the particularity of
scientific practices and Muslim ethics. I reframe Islam and medicine as
discursive traditions, with contested parameters of knowledge that are
contingent on social, historical, and material conditions. Assessments of
benefit and risk of techno-scientific treatment are necessarily contextual and
contested, as are religious positions about permissibility. This analysis
resists an opposition between religion and science by looking at both as social
practices.
Elizabeth
Hanson (Yale
University)
Into
the Woods: From Forestry to Forests at the American Museum of Natural History
The
Hall of North American Forests at the American Museum of Natural History in New
York City opened to the public on May 14, 1958. It took twenty years to plan
and produce this hall, which has at its core a dozen dioramas that recreate
forest ecosystems. The hall embodies a historical conflict between total
preservation of wilderness and so-called rational use of forests and other
natural resources. In the making of this exhibit hall, this conflict is
filtered through discussions of the museum’s post-war mission, in particular
about the appropriate role of the museum in conservation, and the vision of the
director of the museum at the time, Albert Parr.
Helen
Hattab (University
of Houston)
Scholastic
Interpretations of the Mechanical Problems and the Question of Method
In
this paper I will examine how Ioannis De Guevara applies the Scholastic
Aristotelian theory of demonstration to mechanical problems in his 1627
commentary on Pseudo-Aristotle’s Quaestiones Mechanicae. I will show that this
background can help us understand what kinds of demonstrations Descartes was
trying to present in the essays he appended to his Discourse on the Method, in
particular, the Meteorology.
David
Hecht (Bowdoin
College)
Celebrating
Carson: Silent
Spring and Changing Notions of Popular Scientists in America
This
paper uses the public image of Rachel Carson to explore Americans’ changing
notions of what constituted an admirable scientist after World War II. It
focuses particularly on placing Carson in the context of the nuclear age.
Atomic imagery was prominent in her book, and fears of fallout greatly
facilitated the popularity of her campaign against pesticides. Most historians
who have noted the resonances between Carson’s environmental activism and nuclear
fear have used that parallel to illuminate Carson’s environmentalism and
emergence as a scientist-activist. The focus of this paper is different. It
argues that Carson was part of an evolving tradition of scientists who received
adulation for the way they spoke to the particular ambivalences that Americans
harbored toward science after the advent of nuclear weapons. After 1945,
Americans tended to revere scientists who modeled ways to come to terms with
the inherent tensions of living in the atomic age, an age in which scientific
advances were both celebrated and deplored. Rachel Carson’s image cannot be
understood outside of the context of how the atomic bomb helped define which
scientists Americans found admirable: those who showcased a particular kind of
social responsibility. Further, Carson’s career also traces important changes
in how and why Americans picked their scientific heroes. Her many supporters
revered her, in large part, because she offered a means to dissent from the
Cold War consensus without rejecting an appreciation for the scientific
vocation that seemed to underlie much of that consensus.
Peter
Heering (Carl-von-Ossietzky
Universitaet Oldenburg)
The
Solar Microscope: Between Education and Entertainment During the Enlightenment
Around
1740, English instrument makers started to sell solar microscopes. These
devices were meant to project the images of microscopic specimen on a screen in
a darkened chamber, thus enabling people to look at these images. Therefore,
these devices can be seen in the context of the popularisation of science in
this period. To this image fits also the aspect that solar microscopes became
very popular throughout the second half of the eighteenth century. Yet, such a
monocausal explanation appears to be oversimplified. In a research project
carried out at the Deutsches Museum Munich, I had the opportunity to work with
two original eighteenth-century solar microscopes. Projecting microscopic
images and demonstrating them to audiences gave me the opportunity to develop a
different understanding of these devices. Consequently, it became possible to
re-interpret historical sources. As a result, an interpretation resulted that
differs from several accounts on popular eighteenth century public
demonstrations and their ‘scientific’ relevance. My presentation will
concentrate in particular on the images that could be produced with the devices
and on their meaning with respect to the status that projections may have had
during the eighteenth century. Moreover, I will also discuss the technical
development of solar microscopes throughout the 18th century. In doing so, I
will demonstrate that the later instruments required less skills due to
technical changes.
Susanne
Heim (Editionsprojekt
"Judenverfolgung 1933-1945," Berlin)
Nazi
Agricultural Looting in Wartime Europe
In
1938 German scientists started to experiment with rubber plants on a low level.
Growing such plants in Europe had long been regarded as hopeless. However in
wartime the supply chain was jeopardized by the need to import natural rubber
from the tropical regions in which it was cultivated. After German troops
attacked the Soviet Union in summer 1941 rubber research boomed on the basis of
scientific resources stolen in Eastern Europe. Various high ranking research
institutes as well as parts of the German industry and certain departments of
the SS cooperated in order to promote a project which promised to be extremely
relevant in the context of autarky policy. The paper will scrutinize how German
expansion policy shaped the development of the research programme in a
strategically important field, the transfer of knowledge and resources under
wartime condition and the relationship between scientists’ professional
interests, their contribution to the war effort and the interest of Nazi
politicians and agricultural planners in transforming Eastern Europe into a
strategic part of the German “living space”.
Jochen
Hennig (Humboldt
University, Berlin, Germany)
The
epistemic status of digital image processing in scanning tunnelling microscopy
While
the first scanning tunneling microscope, built by the Zurich IBM Laboratory in
the early 1980s, was an analog instrument, its subsequent development coincided
with the early use of computer graphics in microscopic experiments. This meant
that the data recorded using the scanning tunnelling microscope could be
digitally processed and displayed in manifold ways. The paper explores the
epistemic status of the different steps involved in these investigations. I
argue that both the experimenter’s interaction with the microscope and digital
processing were constitutive of laboratory practice and shaped microscopic
knowledge in important ways. Two case studies will be discussed, dealing with
early scanning tunnelling microscopy respectively at the IBM laboratories in
Zurich and in Yorktown Heights, NY. Based on the analysis of published and
unpublished sources as well as on qualitative interviews with the protagonists,
I explore the interaction between programmers, electrical engineers and
experimenters, as well as the context in which the processed pictures were
presented and communicated. With respect to processes and practices, the
transformation from analog to digital microscopy appears as a complex composite
of continuities and changes, undermining a common assumption in media theory
about the distinction between analogue and digital media.
Mary
Henninger-Voss (Independent
Scholar)
Cannons
and Cannonballs
This
paper introduces an Italian world of texts, artillery, and the library that
formed a site for the interaction of readers both with texts and people.
Whether the cognitive categories by which historical actors made sense of their
world divided it into a world of ideas (of reading, thinking, and
understanding) and a world of gunnery trials, and yet again a world of
untouchable comets (of arguing natural philosophy), the people themselves moved
effortlessly among these and other activities. Gian Vincenzo Pinnelli’s Paduan
library literally stood as a disciplined system of know-how, and one that
Galileo among others knew how to operate -- including at its center the
operation of texts.
Sandra
Herbert (University
of Maryland Baltimore Counrty)
Charles
Darwin’s Reflections in 1850: “All young geologists have a great turn for
speculation; I have burned my fingers pretty sharply in that way.”
During
the voyage of H.M.S. Beagle (1831-1836) Charles Darwin read extensively in the
geological literature, becoming persuaded of the superiority of the approach to
geology presented by Charles Lyell in his Principles of Geology (1830-1833). Among Lyell’s ideas that Darwin
pursued was an emphasis on the rise (“elevation”) and fall (“subsidence”) of
the earth’s crust. By the end of the voyage Darwin was sufficiently convinced
of the adequacy of vertical motion as the primary chapter of the earth’s
surface to write in his “Red Notebook” that the “Geology of whole world will
turn out simple." Upon returning to England, Darwin carried forward his
ideas, in part by offering a new elevation-based interpretation of the origin
of the so-called “parallel roads” of Glen Roy in Scotland. His interpretation, published in 1839
in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, was challenged the
next year by Louis Agassiz who declared the roads former beaches of
glacially-dammed lakes. Darwin responded to the new glacial views in a
interesting and instructive manner: by doing new field work in North Wales and
becoming, in part, a glacialist himself, by insisting that Glen Roy be
restudied to decide the issue of conflicting interpretations (glacial theory
won out), and by revising and enlarging his views regarding scientific method.
Katherine
Hermes (Central
Connecticut State University)
“Some Preparations at Deptford: American
Interest in the Voyages of Captain Cook, 1768-1783”
In
August, 1768, the Connecticut Courant printed rumors that a ship was being
outfitted at Deptford for a foreign voyage. The paper did not yet know the name
of the ship or its captain, or even its exact mission, but by September the
colonists knew The Endeavour was a bark headed for the South Seas to Tahiti.
The paper was most interested in the astronomers and botanists who were to take
part in the voyage. Thus began colonial Americans’ interest in the voyages of
Captain Cook. Each voyage only increased the interests of the colonists, and
indeed, Cook was given free passage during the American Revolution because of
the importance of his scientific discoveries. Benjamin Franklin was only one of
many colonists to recognize the potential of these voyages. While Franklin’s
interest was scientific, for others the voyages offered the promise of
financial gain. Depending on what Cook’s missions found, the voyages might
discover new markets for colonial goods, a proposition of great importance once
the colonies became independent. Always dependent upon the fur trade, Americans
looked with interest as Cook searched for a Northwest Passage on his third
voyage, and found seals in the southern most parts of South America. Not long
after Cook’s death, Americans would be outfitting their own ships on sealing
and whaling missions in the South Pacific. American colonists were a literate
public as well as an enterprising one. Their interest in Cook’s voyages ranged
from pure science to plain commercialism, but often the two were combined in
pragmatic ways. In 1783 the publication of John Ledyard’s Journals about Cook’s
third voyage were highly advertised in the colonies.
Hiro
Hirai (Ghent
University, Belgium)
Mechanical
Spirits and Seminal Principles in Van Helmont and Gassendi
Petrus
Severinus (1540/42-1602) relied on "mechanical spirits" and
"seminal principles" to explain the generation of natural things.
Adapted from the Florentine Neoplatonist Marsilio Ficino's (1433-1499) theory
of the invisible "seeds" of nature, Severinus' seeds are the
incorporeal vectors that inform future products (minerals, plants and animals)
in natural generation. The "mechanical spirits," in turn, are
conceived on the basis of Paracelsus' (1493-1541) idea of "archeus,"
the internal spirit-like worker and alchemist, who executes the task of
generation according to the information contained in those seeds. Severinus'
doctrine was received and developed among others by the Flemish mineralogist
Anselmus Boetius De Boodt (1550-1632), ordinary physician to the emperor Rudolf
II at Prague. De Boodt's theory of mineral generation, largely influenced by
Severinus' ideas, was so influential that a number of leading natural
philosophers of the first half of the seventeenth-century, including Daniel
Sennert (1572-1637), accepted it without reservation. The Flemish chemist Jan
Bapstita Van Helmont (1577-1644) and the French atomist Pierre Gassendi
(1592-1655) subsequently incorporated these ideas in their matter theories, the
former emphasizing their chemical dimension and the latter their corpuscular
aspects. Their theories were the most influential models for the next
generation of natural philosophers, which included Robert Boyle (1627-1691).
The present paper analyzes how Severinus' notions of "mechanical
spirits" and of "seeds" were incorporated into the very core of
the matter theories of Van Helmont and Gassendi.
Lillian
Hoddeson (University
of Illinois)
Ideology,
Imagery, Laboratory, and Science: The Frontier and the Rise of Megascience
Building
on the growing literature on modern science and its institutions, and drawing
inspiration from Frederick Jackson Turner and others who have pondered the
connections between American history and the frontier, this paper explores how
historians can employ the ideology that shapes the style of research at a
laboratory in developing their analytic framework. The central case study is
the high-energy physics laboratory known as Fermilab, where founding director
Robert R. Wilson applied the ideology and imagery of pushing frontiers to shape
a laboratory setting, complete with bison, that evokes the American frontier of
the 19th century. The frontier imagery also included the notion of a simple and
frugal pioneering style consistent with the serious funding constraints of the
1970s and 80s, as well as with Wilson’s aesthetics. Born of the tension between
the expansive pull of the frontier and the limiting funding constraints was a
style of research we call megascience, in which experiments could no longer
truly end. Other cases discussed more briefly include: Bell Telephone
Laboratories between 1925 and 1950, Energy Conversion Devices from 1960 to
1990, and Los Alamos Scientific Laboratory from 1942 to 1970.
Sabine
Hoehler (University
of Hamburg)
"Spaceship
Earth": Imagining Environment in the Age of Ecology
In
the "environmental age" of the 1960s and 1970s, the figure of
"Spaceship Earth" became prominent to express the fears and hopes for
the planet. Spaceship Earth presented the earth as a singular place of life in
the universe, and it denoted the increasing scientific and technological
fascination with "environments" on earth and beyond. This paper
explores how the figure of the spaceship reformulated Western cultural
narratives of fragility and transience as well as exploration and expansion for
environmental discourse. With the end of the "World Frontier" in the
20th century, the spaceship symbolized scientific progress and promised a
technology to escape from earthly limits. Within the discourse of limited
ecological "capacity", so the argument of the paper, the spaceship
took the place of the biblical ark: Spaceship Earth marked the planet as a
temporary environment and projected a survival of human life elsewhere, based
on rational stewardship and on the optimum combination of human lives and
natural parts. To pursue this claim the paper will explore into the sciences of
ecology and human ecology, asking how the images of the earth as a metabolism
transformed the earth’s biosphere into a "life support system" and
how the earth’s "overpopulation" was accounted for in terms of the
ship and the "lifeboat". This inquiry of how Spaceship Earth gave
meaning to environmental problems and directed the search for solutions aims at
assessing how cultural narrative enabled and directed the knowledge production
about the environment.
Veronika
Hofer (Medical
University of Vienna)
Constitutional
Pathology - Eugenics – Human Genetics: Julius Bauer and Vienna’s Medical
Culture 1900-1945
While
there already exists a considerable body of scholarly work on the history of
constitutional pathology in Germany, which emerged as a reaction against Robert
Koch’s bacteriology, our knowledge of the Viennese tradition is still poor.
This is rather surprising given the recent research into neighboring fields,
such as hygienics, the beginnings of biomedicine and medical chemistry, the
tradition of social medicine, and psychology. My paper reconstructs the
specificity of the local Viennese tradition of constitutional pathology,
initially by comparing it to the German tradition. The Viennese as well as the
Germans opposed the „mechanistic medicine“ expressed in bacteriology and
advocated a more holistic and multi-causal conception of biomedical
explanation. This approach enabled manifold interdisciplinary connections and
cross-fertilizations of the Viennese constitutional pathology with other local
traditions, among them Alfred Adler’s individual psychology, Julius Tandler’s
anatomy, and the socialist eugenics movement of Red Vienna. But my main thesis
is that, in the Viennese context, constitutional pathology marked the beginning
of human genetics. In order to exemplify this claim I will focus on the
clinician and pathologist Julius Bauer and his research group, on their main research
agendas as well as on their professional careers, both in Vienna and, after
their forced emigration in 1938, as human geneticists in the U.S. Bauer’s group
worked mainly in the Policlinic, where they created a robust research program
in human genetics which led to a large body of internationally well-received
and oft-cited scientific papers.
Michelle
Hoffman (University
of Toronto)
School
Science and the Campaign for Technical Education in Ontario, 1890-1911
The
campaign for technical education in Ontario (~1890-1911) mirrored similar
campaigns in other Canadian provinces and American states as educators moved to
respond to the pressures of industrialization. Manufacturers, trade workers and
concerned citizens increasingly questioned the high schools’ ability to meet
the needs of the changing times. These groups pressured the provincial and
federal governments to promote technical schools, where young men and women
could acquire manual skills and – in the words of one commissioner
– begin to “grasp and turn to account those scientific principles upon
which industries depend.” Though advocates of technical education frequently
appealed to the scientific underpinnings of technical education, science had
only recently secured its place within Ontario’s high schools. Some historians
have argued that the campaign for more school science during the 1880s and
early 1890s paved the way for technical education. However, the reciprocal
influence of the technical education movement on the school science curriculum has
not been duly acknowledged. While the campaign for technical education put high
school science in the spotlight, it also helped to define the content and
purpose of science instruction. This paper shows how academic high schools
responded to the rhetoric of the campaign for technical education and
increasingly championed the relevance and utility of science over its supposed
ability to foster ‘mental discipline.’ Science, when first introduced into
Ontario schools, had been both heralded and maligned as a utilitarian subject.
I argue, however, that it was the ensuing campaign for technical education that
cemented the technology-laden, applied orientation of high school science
– an orientation that would remain generally unchallenged until mid-century.
Kathryn
Hoffmann (University
of Hawaii at Manoa)
The
Spectacular Cadaver: Lessons from the History of Popular Anatomy Shows and
Directions for the Future
Gunther
Von Hagens’s Body Worlds Exhibit has already been seen by over 20 million
people (his count) around the world. Shows in the past year have occurred in
Philadelphia, St. Paul, Denver, Boston, Chicago, Houston, Phoenix, Dallas, and
Vancouver. Billed as “Anatomy for Everyone” Body Worlds was sometimes deeply
controversial in Europe but merged far more easily into the American cultural
landscape. Much of what Body Worlds does is not new. Its plastinated cadavers
descend from highly popular anatomy displays in the late 17th century using
partially wax-filled cadavers. Many of the poses in Body Worlds imitate famous
anatomical engravings, and the display techniques pull heavily from 19th and
early 20th-century anatomy museums that followed the great European fairground
routes. Using images from the great anatomical museums (Florence, Vienna,
Paris, Turin, and the National Museum of Health and Medicine in Washington,
D.C.), 19th century popular museums (Spitzner and Chemisé), and the author’s
recent interview with Von Hagens, the paper will look at ways in which Body
Worlds draws from the history of anatomical display. Part of a book in progess
on the history of anatomical displays, it will ask some hard questions about
the directions that popular anatomical instruction is taking. It will suggest
that universities, science museums, and medical professionals need to rapidly
evaluate the renewed taste for anatomical displays, understand the history of
such displays, and develop coherent methodologies and institutional frameworks
for transmitting medical knowledge to the general public.
Marijn
Hollestelle (Leiden
Institute of Physics)
Birds
of a Feather? Paul Ehrenfest and Philip Kohnstamm as Sign of the Times.
Ehrenfest
and Kohnstamm – physics professors in Leiden (1912) and Amsterdam (1908)
– were best friends. Together they discussed a wide range of topics, like:
the role universities played in society, philosophy, causality, free will, law,
democracy, and education. They agreed on the weight of the problems, but seldom
on the potential solution. Of paramount importance were their discussions about
causality, and their striving to obtain a unifying (synthetic) view of science
and society.
Kohnstamm’s
wish to unify science and society even made him resign his chair in 1928 to
become a full time professor in pedagogy. Ehrenfest – a firm believer in
the power of science – strove to obtain this ‘unification’ in his work on
quantum mechanics and developed a technocratic outlook in the 1930s.
The
conflicting opinions of these physicists indicate the problems in which Dutch
scientists were involved in general. Especially during the interwar period,
discussions flared concerning science and its role in society, industry, and
education. Kohnstamm and Ehrenfests fellow scientists – like Lorentz, Van
der Waals jr., Ornstein, Fokker, Clay and Jordan – discussed the same topics
with comparable vigor. Interesting enough, discussions pivoted on the role of
causality in science, e.g. in the theory of relativity, and on educational
reform. With Ehrenfest and Kohnstamm as a case study, I will shed new light on
the way the multitude of apparent widely different problems and discussions
were interdependent and can be seen as symptoms of the way Dutch scientists
responded to the problems of the interaction between science and society.
Julie
Homchick (University
of Washington)
Objects
and Objectivity: The Contestation over Evolutionary Theory at the American
Museum of Natural History, 1915-1928
For
the purposes of this essay, I look at how evolutionary theory was treated and
responded to in the American Museum of Natural History’s Hall of the Age of Man
during the early 1900s. Specifically, I examine how the curatorial work of the
museum’s president, Henry Fairfield Osborn, relied on the purported use of
objectivity as a means by which to communicate the validity of evolutionary
theory. But objectivity represented a resource for anti-evolution critics as
well. To show this, I likewise examine how the Baptist pastor, John Roach
Straton, responded to Osborn’s purported use of objectivity in the Hall of the
Age of Man and how he himself attempted to establish a different type of
objectivity through pluralistic approaches to theories of origins. Established
as a common value, objectivity ceased to be a simple discriminator between
scientists and non-scientists within the debate over evolution. While issues
over the teaching of evolutionary theory during this period are already well
known, I show here that the controversy over evolutionary theory was not only
an issue within public schools during the early 1900s, but also within the
museum as an institute of public education. By looking at Osborn’s Hall of the
Age of Man in the American Museum of Natural History and Straton’s reaction to
it with respect to objectivity’s contested and value-laden meanings, we can see
how the controversy over evolutionary theory was manifested in this museum.
Roderick
Home (University
of Melbourne)
German
Scientists in Nineteenth-century Australia
In
the century following the first European settlement in Australia in 1788, most
of those who emigrated there were from Britain and Ireland. However, a
significant number of settlers were from the German-speaking lands, and among
them were some who practised science. In this paper I argue that there were, in
fact, disproportionately large numbers of Germans in the emerging scientific
community of nineteenth-century Australia, and especially among the leaders of
that community; and I point to developments within German science at the time
that might provide possible explanations for this.
Sungook
Hong (Seoul
National University)
Semon’s
Meme and Schrödinger’s Gene: An Intellectual Influence
Erwin
Schrödinger’s highly influential booklet, What is Life (1944), discussed the
mystery of life and heredity in terms of molecular structure, atomic bonds, and
the concept of “negative entropy.” The most important and influential part of
this book was, however, his informational theory of genetic heredity. In his
view, a gene’s action essentially consisted in storing and passing information.
Schrödinger compared the role of chromosomes with that of code script, and
described chromosome structures as "law-code and executive power" or
as "architect's plan and builder's craft" combined together. He also
used a metaphor of the Morse code in telegraphy to explain how aperiodic
crystals that consist in genes could store and then pass a great deal of
information. Historians, as well as biologists, have discussed the influence of
Schrödinger’s concept of genetic information upon the next generation of
molecular biologists. However, it has scarcely been explored how he came up
with this idea. His previous works on quantum physics, as well as his life and
works in Ireland in the 1940s, was not apparently linked to the idea of
“information” of any kind. In this paper, I will propose that Schrödinger was
immensely influenced by the nineteenth-century German biologist Richard Semon’s
works and ideas. In particular, Semon’s theory of “meme” (mneme), with which
Schrödinger had become acquainted in his youth, directly influenced him to
devise the informational theory of gene. Today, the concept of a meme is
usually considered to be born out of that of a gene. By showing Semon’s
influence on Schrödinger, I will maintain that the concept of gene was made out
of that of a meme, in effect reversing their relationship.
John
Horgan (Stevens
Institute of Technology)
"The
End of Science: A Retrospective after Ten Years"
A
decade ago, John Horgan argued in his book "The End of Science" that
"the great era of scientific discovery is over... Further research may yield
no more great revelations or revolutions but only incremental, diminishing
returns." The book became a bestseller, provoking widespread controversy
among scientists and non-scientists alike, including historians of science. In
this session, Horgan will talk about the reaction to his book, then and now,
and about how his views of the limits of science have evolved in recent years.
Judith
Houck (University
of Wisconsin, Madison)
Lay
Women Health Workers: Balancing Feminist Principles, State Policies, and
Medical Pressures, 1971-1981
Spurred
on by the self-help gynecology movement and the belief that the care of healthy
women’s bodies belonged in women’s hands, feminist health clinics around the
country relied heavily on lay women to provide much of the healthy-women care.
Lay women, with no medical or nursing training beyond what they acquired
through the clinics, routinely performed pelvic exams, fitted diaphragms,
“diagnosed” conditions, and advised treatments. Much of this work occurred in a
medico-legal grey area. To some physicians and regulators, these women
practiced medicine without a license. To feminist health activists, the actions
of the lay workers fell within women’s legitimate right to learn about and
control the normal functioning of their bodies. These interests frequently
clashed. This paper examines three feminist health clinics in California
between 1971 and 1981 and their responses to state demands and medical
pressures that they stop practicing medicine without a license. Their different
solutions and ultimate capitulation reflected their particular feminist
allegiances, their geographical positions, and their financial resources.
Danain
Hu (The
City College of New York)
William
Band and Modern Physics at Yenching University
In
the summer of 1927, William Band, a 20-year old Oliver J. Lodge Prize winner,
graduated from the University of Liverpool with a Master’s degree in physics.
He then made an unusual decision: instead of taking an opportunity to pursue
his Ph.D. at Cambridge, he chose to travel thousands of miles to teach physics
at Yenching University, an important Christian institution, in Beijing, China.
Arriving in 1929, Band established his career at Yenching, where he taught and
studied the theory of relativity and quantum mechanics and pioneered the
research on low-temperature superconductivity in China. Band also chaired the
Physics Department for 10 years and founded China’s first graduate studies in
physics. Among Band’s students at Yenching were W.Y. Chang (1931) and K. Huang
(1941), who later ranked among China’s most prominent physicists in the 20th
century. Chang was a leading high-energy physicist and founder of the famous
Beijing Electron Positron Collider, while Huang co-authored with Max Born the
classic book Dynamic Theory of Crystal Lattices and made remarkable
contributions to solid-state physics. As a pioneer of modern physics education
and research in China, William Band made significant contributions, which have
so far yet been studied. In this paper, I would like to explore Band’s early
career in order to identify his motivation, achievements, and influence in the
development of modern Chinese physics.
Ben
Hurlbut (Harvard
University)
Term
of ART? Human Cloning ,Democratic Engagement and the Importance of Careful Use
of Names
This
paper will examine a set of efforts to shift the terminology of public
deliberations over human cloning away from the term "cloning" between
2002 and 2005. In tracing these shifts in language, it will explore the
conditions under which these ontological redescriptions were framed as
legitimate and value-free or, conversely, were challenged as “political.” These
conditions directly effected the sorts of normative arguments that have
subsequently been made. Disputes which have attempted to differentiate real
entity from political construct have tended to tacitly reaffirm the notion that
normative deliberation can only take place once an ontology has been
stabilized. Because ontological accounts have generally served as the
gatekeepers which determine whether an embryonic being can be described in the
vocabularies that confer normative significance (the language of rights, of
personhood, etc), these accounts and their foundations have been highly
contested. In order to understand the historical development of deliberations
over cloning, this paper will look to the efforts to establish control over the
power to name.
Anja
Jacobsen (Niels
Bohr Archive, Copenhagen)
Quantum
Measurement and Consistency: The “Small War” Between Bohr-Rosenfeld and
Landau-Peierls in the Early Thirties
In
1931 a debate arose between Bohr, the grand old man in quantum theory as well
as the most influential interpreter of quantum mechanics, and the young and
bold physicists of the next generation Landau and Peierls. The background was a
paper in which Landau and Peierls claimed to have proved the inconsistency of
the new quantum electrodynamics. Heated discussions of the issues raised in
this paper took place the following years, in which also Heisenberg, Pauli,
Rosenfeld, and Klein participated. In 1933 Bohr and Rosenfeld eventually
published their long and famous treatise which, according to them (and many
others) settled the debate, even though neither Landau nor Peierls were ever to
acknowledge that they had been proved wrong. The debate took place parallel to
the Bohr-Einstein discussion, and like that, Bohr’s discussion with Landau and
Peierls played an important role in consolidating Bohr’s quantum epistemology
in the early thirties. Nevertheless, the discussion with Landau and Peierls and
the outcome of it are rarely mentioned in connection with the more general
epistemological controversy. In my paper I analyse the course of the dispute
and some of the issues discussed. A full apprehension of this early debate shed
more light on Bohr’s ideas as well as on the position of the other physicists
involved and constitutes an important platform for understanding how Bohr was
often misunderstood and challenged later in the century.
Kathryn
James (Beinecke
Library, Yale University)
Reading
Instruments: the Print Culture of Mathematical Instruments in Early Modern
Britain
Practical
mathematics, as a literary genre in early seventeenth-century London, was a
field which had been merchandised. Mathematical works, whether by surveyors,
navigators, engineers, or cartographers, were regularly published accompanied
by printed illustrations of mathematics—and mathematicians—in
action, using instruments to measure the depth of gorges, the height of towers,
the trajectories of cannons. These
works were as frequently accompanied by illustrations of the instruments, for
those readers who wished to construct a version of the instrument, and
advertisements for the instrument-maker, for those readers who would rather not
build the instrument themselves. Building on the work in this field by Stephen
Johnston and Jim Bennett, this paper offers an examination of the print culture
of practical mathematical instruments in seventeenth-century Britain. It looks
at the development, over the course of the seventeenth century, of instruments
as illustration in practical mathematical literature, focusing both on the
variation in print formats of printed instruments and on the manuscript culture
accompanying printed instruments in this period. At issue is the question of audience: how were these
instruments meant to be used, and did this usage differ from the presentation
of the instrument in the practical mathematical text? Were readers of practical
mathematical literature understood by the authors and printers of these works
to be active practitioners or simply enthusiastic readers and potential
consumers? What, ultimately, can the print culture of early modern instruments
tell us about the cultural status of practical mathematics?
Christian
Jennings (University
of Wisconsin-Stevens Point)
Colonial
Institution as Field Site: The East African Marine Fisheries Research
Organization
This
paper will explore the expectations and attitudes of the scientists who worked
at the East African Marine Fisheries Research Organization, based in Zanzibar,
during the 1950s and 1960s. Charged with investigating a very large area (the
entire coastal zone of East Africa), plus identifying areas of potential
economic value, EAMFRO struggled to make effective use of its limited manpower
and rudimentary equipment. The scientists who worked at the organization tended
to view the assignment as a temporary adventure, one that bears an
uncomfortable resemblance to post-colonial “scientific tourism.” The paper will
examine these continuities as well as the efforts of recent researchers to
transcend them.
Derek
Jensen (Brigham
Young University – Idaho)
Hevelius's
Baroque Map of the Moon
According
to Mary Winkler and Albert Van Helden, Hevelius's
<i>Selenographia</i> (1647) portrayed a novel concern for faithful
representations of telescopic observations. However, Hevelius’s book and his
system of nomenclature for names of lunar features are now largely forgotten.
Why? I will argue that Hevelius’s artistic representations of the moon were
coupled with the concerns of seventeenth-century terrestrial geographers and
Hevelius’s own partiality to the ideals of the classical past making his map of
the moon a two-edged sword. On the one hand, his detailed representations of
the moon impressed his readers, even leading one of them (the Englishman Peter
Mundy) to speculate about life on the moon and representing such life
pictorially in his diaries. On the other hand, Hevelius’s use of archaic
classical terms to describe features on the moon caused his map to become
outdated in a few short years. Hevelius succeeded in making an impact with his
visuals, but failed in attracting a following of his text. The historical
example of Hevelius’s map of the moon serves as a springboard for conversations
about the desirability, yet difficulty in fusing art and science successfully.
Andrew
Jewett (New
York University)
American
Social Scientists and the Rise of Consensus Liberalism
In
the 1950s, mainstream American social scientists embraced a “consensus liberalism”
that described American political culture as dominated by a longstanding
“liberal tradition” and held that scholars could serve the nation by
translating the values of that liberal tradition into public policy. Historians
usually describe the consensus outlook as an ideological product of centrists
(Daniel Boorstin, David M. Potter, Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr.) celebrating
American institutions and disaffected Marxists (Louis Hartz, Richard
Hofstadter) adjusting themselves to the limits of American politics. Yet as
Edward A. Purcell Jr. pointed out long ago, consensus liberalism also spoke
powerfully to the problem of value-neutrality. By viewing themselves as
implementing a liberal tradition found empirically within the polity, social
scientists could square political activism with objectivity. In fact, I argue,
that strategy appeared fully formed back in the 1920s, in the writings of John
Dewey and others. My paper will trace the interplay of that impulse with
another motive I identify as central to consensus liberalism--the desire to
protect the New Deal against conservative critics by portraying it as the
outcome of a “natural” process of social evolution--in a series of semi-popular
texts ignored by Purcell, including Dewey’s <i>Freedom and Culture</i>
(1939), Margaret Mead’s <i>And Keep Your Powder Dry</i> (1942),
Gunnar Myrdal’s <i>An American Dilemma</i> (1944), and Ruth
Benedict’s <i>The Chrysanthemum and the Sword</i> (1946). Such
World War Two-era texts, I will argue, prefigured the tendency of 1950s social
scientists to describe critics of Cold War liberalism as un-American, even
mentally imbalanced.
Adrian
Johns (University of Chicago)
Pirate
Listeners and the Political Economy of Broadcasting, 1920-1950
The
advent of broadcasting incurred the invention of a new kind of intellectual
piracy – a piracy not of production, but of reception. Prior to the
1920s, all so-called piracy had been illicit reproduction, most notably the
reprinting of books. Broadcasting changed that. In Britain, most notably, the
allocation of the medium to a public corporation financed largely by license
fees meant that citizens who did not pay for a license – or who paid for
the wrong kind of license – became “pirate” listeners. These pirates
multiplied at a stupendous rate, such that the very survival of the
broadcasting system was soon cast into doubt. Their most contentious strategy
was to buy a so-called “experimenter’s” license, which made listening much
cheaper than the conventional “broadcast” license. As a result, the enterprise
of broadcasting came to depend on answering the simple but resounding question:
what qualifies citizens as potential experimenters – and what, if
anything, disqualifies them? This paper will explore how convictions about the
character of the scientific experimenter clashed with the politics, economy,
and culture of early broadcasting, in a contest that had lasting impacts on
both science and the media.
Ann
Johnson (University of South
Carolina)
Intellectual
and Geographical Borderlands: Competing Mathematical and Political Ideals in
the US Rectangular Survey, 1789-1820
In
1790, the newly constituted United States government authorized a survey of all
land outside the borders of original colonies. In becoming part of the United
States, individual states had to cede territory to the federal government
(depending on the state, this was often a highly negotiated, non-trivial
process). That land became the property of the federal government however, in
order to raise capital and put Euro-American settlers on the frontiers for
national security reasons, the federal government wanted to sell this land as
quickly as possible. From those desires to move settlers west and
simultaneously raise money was borne the Federal Rectangular Survey, which laid
a rectangular grid over all land west of the 13 colonies (although in 1802, the
Louisiana territory with particular difficulties, since it was already surveyed
and owned). From the perspective of the federal government this was a
mathematically simple and elegant solution; i.e., it looked good on a map.
However, from the perspective of the surveyors laying a rectangular grid across
undulating, forested land without regard to natural boundaries and complicated
by a shifting magnetic north and converging lines of longitude, this project
was far from elegant and simple. In fact, it was a topographical nightmare,
challenging the highest tier of American mathematicians at the turn of the 19th
century. This paper examines the struggle between Washington and the frontier
as it was played out by a series of surveyors in Ohio and Indiana, some with
very high levels of mathematical literacy and others barely literate. These
surveyors, who were sent to lay down the rectangular grid and who often failed
in Washington's eyes since the grid was not truly rectangular, successfully
produced a geodetic picture of the earth. In addition to showing 'science in
action' this narrative also highlights the complicated mixing of knowledge for
knowledge sake and practical science, represented by both the political
justification for this scientific project and as represented by the
astronomical and geodetic maps the surveyors produced, which had both important
purposes in surveying and navigation and were in fact reproduced in the important
European scientific publications. As many science policy scholars (finally)
question the legitimacy of the linear model, it is useful to revisit another
historical episode in which the so-called 'linear model' was inverted and
practical science led to 'pure' knowledge.
Susan
Johnson-Roehr (University
of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign)
Marking Mughal Time: Power and Politics at the Astronomical Observatory of Sawai Jai Singh II, 1721-1743
Just
south of Connaught Place in New Delhi, separated from the high-rise buildings
of Parliament Street by a simple iron fence, stands the eighteenth-century
astronomical observatory of Maharaja Sawai Jai Singh II of Amber and Jaipur.
While the extant masonry instruments reveal something of the Rajput king’s interest
in observational astronomy, a fuller understanding of the site can only be
gained through a consideration of the historical context within which
observatory was built. The observatory was designed deliberately to function
within contemporary political and scientific discourses extending between the
metropolitan Mughal seat in Shajahanabad and Jai Singh’s own hereditary state
of Amber. This deliberate incursion into Mughal space by Jai Singh is often
ignored in analyses of the Delhi observatory. The Maharaja’s astronomical
endeavors as a whole are typically styled by historians as derivative of local
Hindu (Vaishnava) religious practices in Jaipur. Not only does this
over-determined relationship between Hinduism and the observatories fail to
recognize that the Delhi observatory predated similar structures erected in
Jaipur by some seven years, it also precludes any interpretation of the sites
independent of religion. An examination of both the textual and architectural
record left behind by Jai Singh indicates that the observatories cannot be
explained exclusively in terms of Hinduism. Without a consideration of the
Rajput king’s investment in both the Mughal Empire and Islamic science, only a
partial and somewhat deceptive story of astronomy as practiced by Maharaja
Sawai Jai Singh II can be told.
Matthew
Jones (Columbia
University)
Natural
Hierarchy, Artisans, and Early Modern Calculating Machines
The
history of early modern calculating machines is one of collaboration and
protracted struggle between "philosophical" inventors and the skilled
artisans essential for realizing the machines. These inventors--most famously
Blaise Pascal and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz--were surprised and frustrated by
the autonomy of their laborers, but dependent upon that autonomy. This paper
briefly recounts their financial and intellectual relations with artisans,
before turning to the second-order philosophical speculation prompted by their
experiences in realizing the machines. Their experiences figured, first, in
their accounts of the different sorts of human knowledge and skill and, second,
in their accounts of the hierarchy of beings and the places of angels,
philosophers, artisans and calculating machines within that hierarchy.
Chin
Jou (Princeton University)
"Milking
It’: Home Economists and World War I Era Dairy Consumption Campaigns
At
the start of World War I, the dairy industry observed that American homemakers
balked at higher prices for fluid milk and opted for butter substitutes instead
of the real thing. Dairy farmers and distributors feared that a decline in milk
consumption would result in a milk surplus and drive down prices for the
commodity. The Food Administration also had a stake in encouraging milk
consumption, as it sought to conserve meat for the war effort, and seized upon
milk and dairy products as substitutes for meat protein. Both groups turned to
practitioners of home economists—a fledging, overwhelmingly female
profession led by acolytes of the progressive-era cult of empirical efficiency--because
they believed that home economists could reach homemakers responsible for the
family diet. Home economists undertook this assignment with alacrity, aiming
not just to raise dairy consumption and to promote milk as a nutritious food,
but also to bolster their own professional status
and to
recast homemaking as an enterprise vital to ensuring the physical health and
development of the family.
Despina
Kakoudaki (Harvard
University)
The
Robot as an Object of Study: Imagination, Fiction and Reality
In
this paper I explore the figure of the robot as an object of study, and one
that specifically requires an integration of methodologies from both the
humanities and the sciences. Traditionally, the figure of the robot has been
regarded very differently in these two realms: in the sciences, it is related
to the promises of scientific inquiry, and motivates research and innovation in
actual technological applications, or the future possibility for such
applications. In the humanities, however, the robot is a figure of fiction and
science fiction, which, despite its un-reality channels feelings about culture
and technology, difference and justice, often in indirect ways. After exploring
the implications and fundamental trends of the two modes, the paper proposes
that an integrated interdisciplinary methodology would allow us to better
understand the attraction and meaning of the robot as a figure, without
resorting to the binary opposition between fantasy and reality. Using examples
from fiction, popular culture, recent scientific applications and research in
robotics, I argue that the two approaches fuel each other: as cultural figures,
robots are both real and imaginary, and indeed it is often their imaginary
qualities that fuel and inspire actual research.
Gwen
Kay (SUNY
Oswego)
Murder,
Patient Privilege and other Bioethical Questions in 19th Century Medicine
In
1872, a seemingly innocuous question about whether a member could withdraw from
a county medical society to "deal with a personal situation"
escalated into an emergency daylong meeting with a series of witnesses and
evidence "entered into the record" to determine whether or not an
abortion, and/or an extramarital affair, and/or a murder occurred. This case
provided grist for the gossip mill, but also hinted at larger questions facing
physicians in New York state surrounding newly passed laws criminalizing
abortion. In an age when few women sought prenatal care, and when women did not
seek medical attention for abortion unless something went awry, doctors faced
ethical questions about upholding a new law, caring for their patients, and
reporting other physicians who may have broken the law. These bioethical
questions haunted the medical community as they struggled to find their footing
in this new terrain. This paper will explore how one county in Upstate New York
grappled with new realities in the intersection of medicine, science and law,
and whether their conclusions and reactions were indicative of the larger
trends in bioethics.
Melanie
Keene (History
and Philosophy of Science, University of Cambridge)
Making
Chemistry Your Cup of Tea: Nineteenth-century Object Lessons
In
one popular nineteenth-century scientific object lesson, the household ritual
of making a cup of tea was converted into an illuminating illustration of
elementary chemistry. Theories of evaporation, solution, infusion, and even
steam power were explained through a closer examination of the teapot and its
contents with eyes, nose, hand and tongue, assisted by a knowledgeable written
guide. Identifying these household experiments as ‘chemical’ connected the
potentially unreachable realms of science with the home, as the domestic refuge
was used to overcome fears of this potentially ‘deep’ subject. The cup of tea
was a doubly appropriate vehicle for these lessons, as it was also the
constituent parts of tea-leaves, sugar and water themselves of which drinkers
could be afraid, due to widely-propagated scares about adulterated foodstuffs
and fluvial pollution. Learning about chemistry was thus promoted as one way of
overcoming these fears, and tests for adulterated commodities resembled
introductory experiments. Other contemporary writers used the home to traverse
the further reaches of the globe, telling a tea-story of humble leaf and exotic
lands, china, and China. My paper will focus on the sensory experiences guided
by the texts, from tea’s reassuring warming tangibility to its whiff of exotic
origins, and will argue that such lessons on common household objects including
tea, soap, and candles, formed a crucial genre of nineteenth-century science
education. I hope to demonstrate how beginners were enthused while their tea
leaves infused, and the sciences became their ‘cup of tea’ in more senses than
one.
Vera
Keller (Princeton
University)
Cornelis
Drebbel (1572-1633): Artisan and Natural Philosopher
In
this paper I re-examine who could be considered a natural philosopher in early
modern Europe by excavating a surprising academic philosophical reception for
the Dutch engraver, alchemist, inventor, and engineer, Cornelis Drebbel
(1572-1633). As others such as Rosalie Colie have noted, Drebbel the artisan
provided matters of fact to serve as material for natural philosophers such as
Bacon and Boyle. Yet, much more radically, Drebbel himself was considered a
natural philosopher in some surprising quarters. Although Drebbel never
attended university, he was quoted as an authority in academic disputations and
works of natural philosophy. His short vernacular On the Nature of the
Elements was reprinted in philosophical compendia and favorably cited in academic
textbooks. His works were printed twenty-five times in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, and translated into German, Latin, and French. I
demonstrate Drebbel's philosophical reception and attempt to answer the
question of why professional natural philosophers turned to the seemingly
unsophisticated vernacular work of a poorly educated artisan.
Meegan
Kennedy (Florida
State University)
The
Vastness of the Very Small: Imperialist Discourses in Nineteenth-Century
British Microscopy
In
nineteenth-century scientific and popular British texts on microscopy, a
curious image recurs: a sense of vast fields or even worlds, opening out from
the tiny. Although the telescope does allow human vision to traverse great
distances, a sense of immensity is also evoked by its analogue on a tiny scale,
the microscope. With reference to scientific and popular texts by Chalmers,
Whewell, Gosse, Hill, and Hogg, among others, this paper will ask, what can
explain the odd persistence of a perspectival discourse of vast landscapes
paradoxically emerging from what is in fact an extremely constrained visual
field? Certainly this discourse expresses a nineteenth-century interest in the
concepts of infinity, topology, and dimensionality. However, the rhetoric
associated with “the vastness of the very small” shows that it also functions
here as a kind of imperial gaze, obliquely figuring the microscopist as an
integral part of the great project of British empire, during a period of rapid
imperial expansion. Some authors demonstrate an impulse to mastery of the
inhabitants of these “new worlds,” denoted as “tribes” or “peoples”; others
express the impulse to explore and map “vast new fields.” In the paradoxical
“vastness of the very small,” then, the goals and successes of science are made
both legible and desirable to British audiences through tropes of exploration
and conquest. It positions the work of the microscopist as inherently congruent
with the empire-building work undertaken by scientists of the “macro” world,
and claims authority and relevance for the microscope within that world.
Deborah
Kent (Simon
Fraser University)
Like
Father, Like Son?: Peircean Approaches to Mathematical Thinking
Steeped
in transcendental ideology, Harvard mathematics professor Benjamin Peirce saw
recurrant mathematical patterns as evidence for the existence of God, and
science as knowledge of him. Throughout the nineteenth century, this
understanding motivated Peirce's mathematical work, pedagogical reforms, and
scientific administration. The proposed talk will explore Peirce's view of
mathematics as a unique conduit to transcendent knowledge that provided the
link between humanity and divinity. Charles Peirce largely shared his father's
understanding of the human mind as constitutionally suited to understand the
laws of nature intuitively.
Elaheh
Kheirandish (Harvard
University)
‘Quwwa’
in the Arabic Optical and Mechanical Traditions
This
paper discusses the optical and mechanical traditions of the Islamic Middle
Ages with reference to the comparative context of specific concepts and methods
in early Arabic texts in particular. The first part of the paper is devoted to
a review of the historical parallels and distinctions of optics and mechanics,
and the identification of their major Greek, Arabic, Persian and Latin
traditions. The second part focuses on the associations and applications of
selective concepts within each field, with a close look at the Arabic term
“quwwa”, a term with several conceptual correspondences. The term corresponds,
in optics, to visual power and perceptive faculties, and in mechanics, to
moving force and simple machines, in the respective Arabic traditions of Euclid
and Heron of Alexandria and their followers. The paper includes an examination
of the particular formulations within each tradition in the light of combined
entities within the mathematical sciences and natural philosophy, and concludes
with the explanation of the various distinctions involved in terms of the
relationship between the relevant textual transmissions and conceptual
transformations.
Dong-Won
Kim (Johns
Hopkins University)
Two
Different Images of the Nuclear Bomb in Japan and Korea, 1945-1960
This
paper compares Japan’s and Korea’s respective images of the nuclear bomb
between 1945 and 1960. As the first and only victims of the nuclear bombs that
were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945, the Japanese had a very
unfavorable view of the nuclear bomb and nuclear energy in the postwar period.
The hydrogen bomb test by the U.S. in the Bikini Atoll in March 1954 renewed
Japan’s fears, and prompted one-third of the country’s citizens to sign the
petition against the nuclear bomb by August 1956. Japanese scientists analyzed
the harmful side-effects of nuclear bombs, emphasized the peaceful use of
nuclear energy and even led the anti-nuclear movement. In contrast, since the
nuclear bombs that were dropped on Japan brought the unexpected liberation of
Korea from Japanese occupation, Koreans had a very favorable perception of the
nuclear bomb and nuclear energy from the beginning. After the end of the Korean
War in 1953, South Koreans strongly supported the development of the nuclear
bomb in order to deter another North Korean invasion. When the U.S. government
provided South Korea with an experimental nuclear reactor in the late 1950s,
most South Koreans regarded it as the first step to developing their own
nuclear bomb. This paper will analyze how and why these two very different
attitudes emerged and prevailed in Japan and Korea.
Peter
Kjaergaard (History
of Ideas, University of Aarhus, Denmark)
European
Creationism
Several
studies document that the population on the European continent is becoming
increasingly religious. Moreover, religion is more visibly on the public and
political agenda in the European Union. Intelligent design is discussed in all
European countries, public concern about Islam has been aired in the process of
accepting Turkey as a full member of the EU and new Catholic member states now
support the Vatican in promoting a religious agenda within the EU. A recent
example is the Catholic lobby’s attempt to influence European science policy
through the 7th Framework Programme. Christian and Islamic creationists have
gained a foothold in Europe sponsoring websites and publications to promote
their alternatives to the theory of evolution. In this paper I investigate the
contemporary continental debates about evolution and creation drawing on
examples from EU science policy, Catholic, Protestant and Islamic creationism
and the reactions following the launch of a website making the Danish
translations of Charles Darwin available on the internet in December 2006. The
examples demonstrate that the reactions against the theory of evolution in
Europe are more powerful and well organised than just a few decades ago. The
debates that follow produce new questions for the historian of science and
religion, perhaps challenging the distinction between observer and participant.
The crucial problem is: how do we deal with that?
Martin
Kjellgren (Lund
University)
The
Reluctant Dissident: Astrology and Heterodoxy in the Works of Sigfridus Aronus
Forsius ca. 1610-1620
Sigfridus
Aronus Forsius (d. 1624), by far the most productive and renowned astrologer within
the Swedish realm in the seventeenth century, was thoroughly examined by the
chapter of the archdiocese of Uppsala in 1619. The trial was occasioned by a
dubious formulation in one of Forsius’ prognostications, and in their verdict,
the capitulars firmly stated that the ‘Chaldeic art’ of ‘astrologia judiciaria’
should henceforth be regarded as a superstitious and illicit practice. This
significant event, when discussed by Swedish scholars in the twentieth century,
has generally been used either as an example of how modern ‘rationality’ had
slowly begun to overcome astrology as an obsolete remnant of ‘medieval’
superstition, or in order to show how various kinds of heterodox, ‘Paracelsian’
or ‘Hermetic’ thinking were suppressed by an ever stronger Lutheran orthodoxy
permeating Swedish society. However, in view of international research
concerning astrology in the scope of knowledge and power, society and religion
in early modern Europe, this dominant picture must be revised. The current
paper aims to discuss how social and political aspects must be further
integrated in studies of learned and religious culture in early modern Europe,
in order to deepen our understanding of the period and of its intellectual
life.
Judy
Klein (Mary
Baldwin College)
Cold
War, Dynamic Programming, and the Science of Economizing: Richard Bellman
Strikes Gold in Policy Space
This
paper examines the programming imperative of the US military that led Richard
Bellman, a mathematician at the US Air Force-supported RAND Corporation, to
formulate dynamic programming to solve problems in multistage decision
processes. The essential ingredients of the dynamic programming protocol
include a desire for a rule of action to guide the decision maker confronted
with a problem, framing the problem in a functional equation stating an
economic criterion that results from an optimal policy, and a recursive
algorithm for specifying the equation and guiding the approximation of a policy
solution. My paper periodizes the development of Bellman’s applications of
dynamic programming to: 1) allocation of scarce fissionable material in
multi-strike nuclear warfare (the gold-mining equation 1951-1953); 2)
variational, stochastic control problems in military logistics including
optimal inventory control (1953-1956); 3) adaptive control problems in optimal
trajectories in the space race (1957-1962). A key theme of this paper is the
importance of duality to mathematical programming. Bellman perceived solving a
mathematical problem in policy space as the dual to solving the same problem in
functional (criterion) space. In the context of deterministic control
processes, he saw dynamic programming with its event-oriented stage-by stage
construction of tangential lines of action as the mathematical dual to the time-oriented
calculus of variations curve constructed as a locus of points. Similarly, my
paper on how cold-war applied mathematics became a science of economizing is
the dual to previous histories on how economics in the late-twentieth century
became a mathematical science.
Kim
Kleinman (Missouri
Botanical Garden/Webster University)
Henry
Shaw: The First Friend of the Missouri Botanical Garden
Henry
Shaw, a wealthy St. Louis merchant and land holder born in England, founded the
Missouri Botanical Garden in 1859. Though he took such initial steps toward
incorporating research and education as having his advisor George Engelmann
purchase the Bernhardi Herbarium for him, the Garden in Shaw's time was devoted
almost exclusively to display. In the last decade of his life, Shaw endowed the
Engelmann Chair at Washington University to lead the Henry Shaw School of
Botany. Such steps and the provisions of his will which have guided Garden
Trustees ever since have often been cited in Missouri Botanical Garden publicity
as evidence of Shaw's foresight and wisdom.
But the correspondence among
Shaw, Engelmann, Harvard's Asa Gray, and Joseph Hooker of the Royal Botanic
Gardens, Kew, reveal instead the botanical community working hard to win their
benefactor to the perspective of building a scientific garden balancing
research, display, and education. Thus, Henry Shaw was less a visionary and
more the Garden's first volunteer, Friend, and contributor.
Wendy
Kline (University
of Cincinnati)
Bodies
of Evidence: Activists, Patients, and the FDA Regulation of Depo Provera
Though
Upjohn Company had begun manufacturing Depo Provera (medroxyprogesterone, a
synthetic hormone) in 1958, it would not be approved by the Food and Drug
Administration for birth control use in the United States until 1992. The heated debate over the regulation
of Depo-Provera attests to the increasing complexity of contraceptive
regulation in an age of biomedicine. Beginning in the 1970s, consumers demanded
access to and involvement in regulatory decisions previously considered beyond
their purview. Women’s health activists, newly armed with political, legal, and
medical expertise, introduced new evidence to the process: patient
testimonials. They thus guaranteed that women’s experiences, rather than just those
of lab animals, became part of the scientific testimony presented before the
Food and Drug Administration on numerous occasions. They also altered the
process of risk-benefit analysis by challenging the notion of value-free,
objective science. Weighing the risks and benefits of a drug, particularly one
prescribed to millions of healthy patients, required not just statistics but
stories, they argued. Ultimately, the ideas, experience, and actions emerging
out of the women’s health movement have widened the parameters of debate
surrounding the drug testing and regulation. By challenging assumptions about
contraceptive drug testing on women, risk benefit analysis, and the evidence of
so-called “experts,” women’s health activists have established a legacy of
rights which remain with us today.
Rebecca
Kluchin (California
State University, Sacramento)
Between
"On Demand" and "Without Coercion": Women’s Health
Activists Debate the 1978 Federal
Sterilization Guidelines
In
the summer of 1973, the parents of two young Alabama girls coercively
sterilized by a federally funded family planning program publicly protested
their daughters’ victimization. Their actions brought sterilization abuse to
the attention of the American public. Responding to news that thousands of
women were being coercively sterilized in hospitals and family planning
facilities that received government funds, health, feminist, and consumer
activists organized to end the practice at the same time that legislators at
the local, state, and federal levels held hearings and debated policies aimed
at eliminating the conditions that nurtured this abuse. In 1977 the Department
of Health, Education and Welfare (DHEW) proposed federal guidelines to regulate
contraceptive sterilizations performed with federal funds in order to reduce
the incidence of coercive sterilization. DHEW’s announcement sparked a national
debate that pitted feminist activists against each other over two critical
features of the proposed policy: a thirty day waiting period and a mandatory
age minimum of twenty-one years old. All feminists who participated in the
debate opposed forced sterilization, but radical and liberal feminists
disagreed about how to balance women’s right to access permanent contraception
with their right to be free from medical coercion. This paper examines the
conflict between feminist health activists over federal regulation of
contraceptive sterilization. Both groups viewed themselves as defenders of
women’s reproductive freedom, but they defined this freedom differently. For
liberal feminists, reproductive freedom meant the right to be free from
arbitrary restrictions; for radical feminists, it meant the establishment of
protective safeguards. Debates over federal sterilization guidelines reveal
inherent and unresolved conflicts between women’s health activists and
demonstrate the diversity of feminist reproductive rights politics.
Dominic
Klyve (Carthage
College)
The
Euler Archive and the Benefits of Universal Availability of Primary Sources
The
Euler Archive is a website dedicated to the life and work of Leonhard Euler.
Founded in 2002, the Archive has published more than 830 of Euler's original
papers and books online, together with his correspondence and dozens of
original translations of scholarly papers on Euler's work. While making the
original sources available is important, one of the most exciting things about
the Euler Archive is the new scholarship it has made possible through the
interconnected nature of the internet and everyone using the website. After
providing an update of the current status of the Euler Archive, we shall
consider the role of archives like this one in the future of research, and
examine the opportunities that are available to historical scholarship by the
type of collaboration made possible by the website.
Tricia
Koenig (Université
Louis Pasteur, Strasbourg)
Radiotherapy
and Pathology: Early 20th Century Cancer Treatment and Diagnosis Hand in Hand.
The
introduction of radiotherapy as an effective means of cancer treatment produced
considerable change in a field that had been dominated by surgery; that is,
until the first of the twentieth century cancer treatment was an affair for
surgeons. The shift away from extirpation and towards radiation produced a
shift in medical hierarchies and health care organization. The concept of
malignancy also shifted. These shifts are the focus of this paper. And this is
a story of invention and reinvention in medicine. I will follow the object of
cancer research and treatment, the tumor, through this period of change. By
tracing the evolution of how a tumor was used, by whom and what information it
revealed, the definition of the disease is exposed. I argue that the new method
of cancer treatment led to new criteria for diagnosis, and that this dialogue
between treatment and diagnosis was a two-way dialogue. The study I present is
based on the journals of the Pathology Institute at the medical school in
Strasbourg, France in the interwar period, as well as the administrative
archives of the medical school and the hospital. The crossing of these sources
further reveals how a new understanding of cancer translated into new medical
institutions. The institutionalization of pathological diagnosis of cancers
resulted in the re-invention of a research science, pathology, as a service
science.
Noretta
Koertge (Indiana
University)
Reflections
on the New
DSB
One
of the most exciting aspects of the new volumes was the opportunity to showcase
relatively young sciences, such as ecology, climatology and decision theory,
which are of crucial importance in today's society. Because both the new and
original articles are now available in a fully searchable digital format, it
will be possible for historians to construct interesting new conceptual and
social connections. One of the trickiest tasks was to describe fairly the exact
role that individual scientists played in Nazi and Stalinist regimes. We
constantly wrestled with the typical scientific biographer's dilemmas: what
material to highlight and how best to integrate the multiple facets of
scientists' lives. Furthermore, the editors had to decide which scientists to
include in the first place! This talk will give examples of lessons learned and
how we answered these and other challenges.
Fae
Korsmo (National
Science Foundation)
“Experiments in Concert: Advocacy,
Agenda Setting and the IGY”
Skilled
advocates for programs or projects understand that they must define for
themselves the criteria for success and establish credible commitments to meet
those criteria. Composing the narrative before, during, and after the planned
event actually shapes the event itself. Marcel Nicolet described the IGY as
sheer audacity. Lloyd Berkner urged the U.S. National Committee to design the
IGY – the Third Polar Year –with a Fourth Geophysical Year in mind.
Hugh Odishaw called the International Geophysical Year “experiments in
concert.” The combination of the humanities and science implied by this simple
phrase permeated the presentation of IGY long after the event had passed.
Posters, films, books, and interviews have been resurrected as we enter into a
Fourth International Polar Year. Today, the demands placed on science come from
many sources – funding agencies, elected officials, indigenous societies
in the Arctic, non-governmental organizations -- resulting in multiple
narratives. In what ways did the IGY result from careful planning as opposed to
responding to demands in an incremental, “satisficing” way? What can today’s
advocates learn from historians of science?
Matthis
Krischel (Humboldt-Universitaet
zu Berlin)
The
Perceived Hereditary Effect of World War I
In
this paper I inquire into the question whether war was regarded as eugenic or
dysgenic before, during, and after the First World War. I look at authors from
the United States, England, France, and Germany and trace their answers to this
question to the eve of the war. I see Friedrich von Bernhardi’s Germany and
the Next
War,
published in 1912, as a capstone in the tradition arguing for war as eugenic.
Jacques Loeb’s criticism of von Bernhardi is especially interesting, because he
rejects the idea that war has any considerable effect on heredity, a rare
position in the 1910’s. On the other side of the argument, Vernon Kellogg’s Headquarters
Nights of 1917 marks an important and widely read work arguing that war is in fact
dysgenic, a tradition which also includes thinkers like Ernst Haeckel. I trace
how the experience of a bloody war and considerable loss of life changed the
view on hereditary effects of war, and at the same time changed an
international community of biologists and social Darwinists. I argue that in
fact an international community existed before the war, and while the war put
strong stress on this community, international relations began to be restored
only a few years later, and by the mid-1920’s, an international community was
re-established.
Bekir
Kucuk (UC
San Diego)
Islamism
to Realism: The Journey of “Islam and Science”, 1850-1950
Ernest
Renan’s L’Islamisme et la Science (1883), written in the hey-day of French
positivism betrayed the common sentiments of his mainly French and German
readership. Science and secularism went hand in hand in the Indo-Germanic
civilization which held reason and experience in the highest esteem, while
Judaism, Christianity and Islam remained cries from the Semitic desert, which
knew nothing other than “one God”. The picture Renan drew of science in the
Arabic ecumene was loud and clear: There is no science among the Arabs, Muslims
or Semites of any kind. In the complex hermeneutic process of deciphering the
relationship between science and religion, where the meaning of Christianity in
the 19th century was the primary concern, Islam played a crucial role as the
only living relic of the common Semitic past of the three religions – a
past Europe had to forget in order find its future in liberalism and scientism.
Underlying Renan’s work and its congenial reception was the idea of religious
reform in favor of scientific criticism of dogma and doctrine. The legitimacy
of Renan’s claims hinged on the reception of his audience: The strange entente
of historicist scholars of philosophy, philologists and those marshalling the
new science of religion against established theology, and later, French
historians of science accepted and elaborated Renan’s position as a matter of
course. While the rhetoric of the warfare between Christianity and Science
found itself in a stale-mate in the early 20th century, the studies of
Arabic-Islamic naturalism Renan launched found its final and unusual audience
in Pierre Duhem, whose charges of realism against Arab astronomers bolstered
the narrative of the inimical relationship between Islam and science.
Ann
La Berge (Virginia
Tech)
Practicing
Microscopy in Mid Nineteenth-Century Paris
What
did practicing medical microscopy mean in Paris in the 1850s, a time when the
utility of the microscope for medicine was contested and laboratory space
practically non-existent? This paper draws on the work of histologist and
biologist Charles Robin (1821-1885) and pathological anatomist and surgeon Paul
Broca (1824-1880), who were part of the second generation of Parisian medical
microscopists. Broca used the microscope for teaching and research in
pathological anatomy in an effort to clarify cancer, while Robin taught microscopy
classes in his private laboratory and used the instrument for histological
research. This paper explores observational and research practices, such as
choice of microscope, specimen preparation, and related technologies, such as
lighting and injection. I emphasize social and institutional practices critical
in constituting French microscopy and its community of practitioners. Topics
addressed include professional hierarchies and economic and social
considerations. For example, how did jobs, housing, teachers, students, and
friends play a key role in one’s ability to practice microscopy? Of particular
interest will be the sites for practicing microscopy. These included teaching
and research sites, such as anatomy amphitheatres and hospitals (Broca),
private laboratories (Robin), and professional societies, such as the Société
de biologie, whose weekly meetings provided a venue for demonstrating and
discussing experiments. The goal of the paper is to pinpoint the how, where,
and why of medical microscopy in Paris and to analyze microscopy practices
within the broader context of medicine and the sciences at mid century.
Marcel
LaFollette
Sputnik
and the Popularization of Science
Historians
of science have tended to assume that Sputnik affected the public presentation
of science as much as its funding, politics, and education. Although the
glamour of the space race did fuel some increase in news attention, the climate
for science popularization had already been set during previous decades. By
1957, entertainment values dominated content choices on radio and television;
serious science programming had been cancelled, marginalized, or trivialized;
and commercial goals, rather than civic education, determined what appeared on
the air. The pattern for the scientific community's interactions with the
broadcasting industry had been set in the radio age, and the success of
sophisticated "entertainment science" such as the Bell Science
series, which premiered in 1956, reinforced broadcasters' belief that science would
not "sell" to viewers unless it contained cartoons, had been
dramatized or fictionalized, or was introduced by a celebrity. In addition, the
reluctance of scientific associations and government science agencies to invest
in television or radio production during the late 1950s wasted any potential
leverage they might have exercised over content. Sputnik's message about the
power of scientific knowledge helped to increase funding for science education
but never translated into national concern or effective projects -- either on
the part of scientists, government, or the broadcasting industry -- to
cultivate a society that is not merely alert to science but well-informed about
it.
Walter
Laird (Institute
for Advanced Study)
Blasius
of Parma and Scholastic Mechanics
In
comparison to the thirteenth-century works of Jordanus de Nemore on the science
of weights, the mechanical works of Blasius of Parma (d. 1416) are
disappointing. Into the spare and mathematically rigorous world of Jordanus,
Blasius introduced all sorts of apparently extraneous matter, such as the
resistance of the medium and the possibility of motion in a void, in general
complicating straightforward propositions with dubious subtleties. In the
process he passed over several of Jordanus’s signal achievements, notably the
brilliant solution to the inclined plane, all the while missing the full
significance of key theoretical concepts such as gravitas secundum situm and the principle of
virtual work. But I think these faults can at least partly be explained through
his having a purpose different both from that of his thirteenth-century sources
and from the expectations of his modern detractors. In an old article on
“Archimedes and Scholastic Geometry,” Marshall Clagett called attention to how
scholastic philosophy affected the practice of the mathematical sciences in the
Middle Ages by tracing how scholastic concerns and tendencies found their way
into medieval discussions of a central proposition of Archimedean geometry. In
a similar way, I'd like to show how fourteenth-century logical and natural
philosophical methods and concerns influenced the scholastic mechanics of
Blasius of Parma. Both in his early Questiones super tractatum de
ponderibus and in the later Tractatus de ponderibus, Blasius introduced into the science of
weights many of the methods and concerns of scholastic logic and natural
philosophy.
Tayra
Lanuza-Navarro (European
University Institute, Florence, Italy)
Astrology
in Early Modern Institutions of Learning in Spain
As
an area of activity originating in early Antiquity, astrology in the
seventeenth century was included in the university curriculum in Spain as well
as in the rest of Europe. Found in the Faculty of Arts, astrology formed an
important part of the activity of professors of astronomy and mathematics in
early modern European institutions of learning. The objective of this paper is
to examine printed and manuscript sources that evidence the importance of
astrology in Spanish institutions of learning
during the
period, with the aim of underscoring its significance as a scholarly activity.
The primary focus of the paper is not the university, however, but other
centers of learning that were equally pertinent to scholarly activity in
seventeenth-century Spain: the Casa de Contratación of Seville, the Academia de
Matemáticas, and the Jesuit Colegio Imperial of Madrid. I argue that astrology,
encompassing a broad range of types and
techniques,
remained a nexus of intellectual activity in Spain, unscathed in many ways by
the Inquisition.
Roger
Launius (National
Air and Space Museum, Smithsonian Institution)
Powering
Space Exploration: RTGs, Nuclear Reactors, and Outer Planetary Probes
Since
the dawn of the space age nearly fifty years ago, the United States has pursued
a variety of methods for delivering electrical power to spacecraft in flight.
Nuclear power systems are the only ones that have been found acceptable for
deep space missions. While these technological systems made possible a myriad
of accomplishments in space, especially the successful flights to the outer
planets, the details of space nuclear power generation is virtually unknown to
even the most knowledgeable observers. What is known, furthermore, is often
limited to the often incomplete reporting of controversies over the propriety
of using nuclear systems for space power. This paper will trace the development
of this technology from its origins in the 1960s to the present. It will
describe the evolution of the systems involved and the decision-making process
whereby NASA chose to adopt one approach over another. Finally, it will analyze
the public debate over the employment of these technologies for spaceflight.
Matthew
Lavine (University
of Wisconsin-Madison)
"Radiumac
Does Wonders, Contains No Radium": Radon-infused Water and Early American
Nuclear Culture
“Radium
emanators,” ceramic water jugs containing radium ores, were aggressively
marketed from the late 1910s to the mid-1930s as a way of bringing the
“vitalizing energy” of radioactivity within the means of the average consumer.
Born of the observation that water bottled from naturally radioactive springs
lost its “potency” in shipping when its dissolved radon (“radium emanation”)
escaped, the emanators traded on consumers’ positive associations with health
resorts and the sanative properties of radium. The ease with which
radon-infusing devices could be made, and the popular appeal of cheap access to
a radium healing technology (virtually a contradiction in terms, as radium
carried connotations of fantastic scarcity and value) made for a florid
marketplace during the 1920s. Rival manufacturers appealed to consumers through
design innovations and by flattering their potential customers’ pre-existing
understanding of how radioactivity restored or maintained health. Their
surviving advertising materials and professional correspondences, therefore,
are both reflective and constructive of an important element in early American
nuclear culture. Of particular interest is the evolving way in which the word
“radium” is deployed in such outreaches. Early on it is invoked as a totem of
the healing powers of unspoiled nature, while by the mid-1920s it is referred
to in ostentatiously clinical language meant to connote scientific medicine. By
the early 1930s, popular anxiety about radium was such that many manufacturers
abandoned the use of the words “radium,” “radon,” and in some cases any mention
of radioactivity whatsoever, though the emanators remained as faintly
radioactive as ever.
Rebecca
Lemov (Harvard
University)
From
the Projective Test to the Acid Test: Some Encounters in Social Relations
This
paper examines curious intersections among figures pivotal in the “Social
Relations” movement as well as the genesis and efflorescence of countercultural
experimentation. In the early 1960s, Professor David McClelland--avatar of
projective testing, quantifier of the Thematic Apperception Test, and Harvard
expert in “achievement motivation” or the n factor in worldwide economic
development--recruited a young assistant professor, Timothy Leary, as an
innovative expert in psychometrics. Specifically, Leary’s groundbreaking work
for Kaiser Permanente in Oakland, California, was a test that attempted to
grade and measure human subjectivity for the purposes of applied healthcare systems
evaluation. On Leary’s arrival in Cambridge at Social Relations, a close
working bond led to collaborative conversations and research nexuses with
McClelland and other psychometricians at the Department and Laboratory of
Social Relations. The relationship changed during a vacation in Mexico. One
night Leary took “magic mushrooms” given to him by a local curandera and
reported the next day to McClelland, his departmental chair, his discovery that
the brain was “a billion-cell computer” and that all human prehistory and
history was sedimented in the fleshy matter of the human being. McClelland,
having devoted his career to other kinds of explorations and tests of
subjective materials, was not inclined to join this new direction of research.
Others at Social Relations were more influenced, as LSD and psilocybin spread
among researchers. The paper traces the proliferation of new influences and the
discarding/changing of old alliances in the face of an emerging paradigm of
experimental investigation.
George
Levine (Rutgers
University, Emeritus; New York University, Distinguished Scholar in Residence)
The
Scientific Naturalists and the Moral Life: from "Is" to
"Ought"
The
deep cultural resistance to scientific naturalism was not driven simply by
religious orthodoxy but by a profound belief, sometimes articulated
philosophically, sometimes simply in the language of common sense, that it was
impossible to derive meaning, or value, ethical or esthetic, from the workings
of nature. The argument went that the life of the spirit – ethical and
aesthetic – is beyond the province of science, and that scientists
claiming that true virtue is possible without the support of religion delude
themselves. In 1879 W. H. Mallock’s "Is Life Worth Living?"
brilliantly attacked the scientific naturalists as representatives of the
“positive school,” which rejected the supernatural but claimed that their moral
positions were as strong as religiously sanctioned ones. In 1894, in "The
Foundations of Belief," more subtly and with greater intellectual
effectiveness, Arthur Balfour attacked not “positivism” but “Naturalism,” which
he defined as the doctrine that “we may know phenomena and the laws that
connect them, but nothing more.” An attack on Huxley’s agnosticism, and on the
effort to replace religion with science, Balfour’s book insists that one cannot
move from the “is” to the “ought.” William James, worrying the same issues and
following up the question of Mallock’s title, pointed to the pragmatic
inadequacy of a strict naturalistic rationalism.
In this
paper I consider three things: the strategies by which the scientific
naturalists claimed to derive value from their readings of nature; the
strategies of conservative thinkers like Mallock and Balfour in countering the
moral claims of the scientific naturalists; and the possibilities, following
some of the arguments of James, Hilary Putnam, and others, of reconciling the
scientific naturalists’ absolute commitment to naturalist explanation with a
sense of the value of life for which the naturalists’ Victorian contemporaries
(and they themselves) longed.
George
Levit (Friedrich-Schiller-Universität
Jena)
Vladimir
I. Vernadsky and Russian Ecology
Vladimir
Ivanovich Vernadsky (1863-1945) was one of the greatest Russian naturalists,
the founder of biogeochemistry. His most valuable contribution to modern
science was his theory of the biosphere, which influenced the complete range of
natural sciences including the new field of ecology. In Vernadsky’s terms the
biosphere is both a geological stratum and a self-regulating system including
both living organisms and their inert environments. Complemented by the concept
of biogeocenosis coined (1940) by Vladimir Sukachev the biosphere appeared to
be a self-regulating system consisting of biogeocenoses as its elementary
structural units, which in their turn represent self-regulating systems. This
approach allowed scientific predictions about the ways of migration of the
chemical elements in the biosphere and became crucially important for Russian ecology.
A number of Russian scientists extended Vernadsky’s new approach. Victor
Kovalsky, for example, developed a concept of geochemical ecology. Another
example is the Russian-German biologist Nikolai Timofeév-Ressovsky, who founded
a school of radiation ecology and radiation biogeochemistry. The impact of
Vernadsky, Sukachev and Timoféev-Ressovsky's is clearly detectable in the
modern paleoecology. The novel approaches of Vladimir V. Zherikhin can serve as
an example. The legacy of Vernadsky’s biosphere studies has continued to today
in the Russian speaking countries, most recently, in the work of Georgi
Zavarzin, the founder of the so called “naturalistic microbiology”. In my
presentation I will discuss the essentials of Vernadsky’s biosphere theory and
its lasting influence on the growth of Russian ecology, with a focus on the
role of “specificity” in the Russian ecological school.
Jonathan
Levy (University
of Chicago)
Elizur
Wright, Jr. and the Actuarial Science of Freedom
Elizur
Wright, Jr. became active in American life insurance in the early 1840s, but
only after a distinguished career in antislavery politics. He would become
perhaps the leading public promoter, reformer, and actuary of his day. While at
the helm of the Massachusetts Insurance Commissioner’s Office, Wright had the
force of the state behind him. This paper examines what Wright thought he was
up to as an actuary, and how his assumptions shaped the future trajectory of
actuarial science in the US. With his background in antislavery, and conversion
to a moderate evangelical Christianity before that, Wright’s dominant concern
was championing and protecting an emergent bourgeois freedom. Insurance was to
be freedom’s social face. “Life insurance,” said Wright, was “working out the
great problem,” of how “to secure individual independence by means of general
dependence.” The problem was that the “general dependence” at the heart of life
insurance might obliterate independence, autonomy, and freedom. And so Wright
developed formulas and computational methods to actuarially salvage freedom, to
maintain “independence and individuality” within the sea of statistical
abstraction that was the precondition of a properly mathematical life insurance
industry.
Michael
Lewis (Salisbury
University)
For
the Birds: the Cold War and an Indo-US Ornithological Collaboration
Following
Indian indepence, the Bombay Natural History Society (BNHS)relied upon a series
of collaborations with primarily U.S. institutions and individuals to fund
their ecological studies. One long-running study involved banding migratory
birds. For this project the BNHS collaborated with the Smithsonian Institution,
among others. By the late 1960s, the primary source of funding for this
project, channeled through the Smithsonian, was the U.S. Department of Defense.
The DoD funding allowed the scientists to band birds, and in exchange the DoD
asked for blood samples from the birds, which were subsequently sent to Ft.
Detrick in Maryland. This paper addresses the nexus of Indian and U.S. ecological
science, U.S. Cold War considerations in Asia, and the Indian backlash to the
perceived threat of American ecological warfare, emblematized by the
sensational image of migrating ducks carying U.S. designed biological warfare
pathogens to the Soviet Union and China. While many Indian and U.S. ecologists
considered the important thing to be getting the data on bird migration
patterns, the Indian public and politicians did not agree. Subsequent debates
within India over the proper place of private versus government employed
scientists, or of U.S. ecologists in India, set the stage for the Government of
India to assert greater control over the ecological sciences in India, and the
conservation programs so famously linked to them (including, but not limited
to, Project Tiger). Ecology and conservation became another arena for Indian
nationalism.
Bernard
Lightman (York
University)
"'A
Conspiracy of One': Samuel Butler, Scientific Naturalism, and Victorian
Popularisation"
Although
scholars have since the 1970s paid more attention to Samuel Butler’s scientific
work, they have virtually ignored his role as a populariser of science.
Butler’s decision in the mid-1870s to adopt the role of populariser of science
brought him into contact with a genre of science writing infused with the
themes of natural theology. He shared the aims of many popularisers of science
who did not adhere to the secularising agenda of scientific naturalism. He was
a theological thinker of considerable depth and ambition, whose discussions of
Paley and Darwin reveal a thinker self-consciously working in the great
tradition of Victorian natural theology. It was the linkage of two powerful
Victorian intellectual traditions—natural theology and the wider world of
science popularisation—that led Butler into a confrontation with
scientific naturalism. Butler’s program of teleological speculation was
self-consciously developed as an effort to popularise evolutionary thinking and
to thereby remove it from the intellectual stranglehold of the new pseudo-priesthood
of scientists. Whereas other popularisers appeared to defer to Darwin and his
circle, a strategy dictated by their desire to claim scientific authority in an
age of professionalisation, Butler’s satirical attacks on the scientific establishment
brought out into the open the gulf that existed between scientific naturalists
and scores of popularisers. This is what made Butler dangerous, and not only to
the Darwinians but also to his fellow popularisers.
Susan
Lindee (University
of Pennsylvania)
Noticing
the Unnoticed
As
I told Margaret Rossiter, some years ago, I am now working on a project that I
think of as “Women Scientists in America” for the
military-industrial-scientific complex. It is a social history of the
militarization of technical knowledge systems, focusing on the experiences,
ideas, strategies and compromises of mid-level experts. And it depends on just
the same kinds of archival and intellectual strategies that she used to
excavate gender. Just as Rossiter showed how gender worked its way into
virtually all aspects of scientific life—even when gender as a problem
was almost invisible to those who performed it—my own work explores how
militarization and socially sanctioned violence has mattered at every level of
the scientific life, affecting professional options, careers, networks of
patronage and knowledge production. Just as she paid attention to the ways that careers were deflected,
deferred, or abandoned, because of sex, I am tracking the ways that careers
were deflected, deferred or abandoned because of homosexuality (a security
risk), socialism (a security risk), pacifism, or concerns about technical
violence. Rossiter’s work provided a template for thinking about subtle, but
pervasive and important, forces that shape authority and legitimacy, and a
template for excavating those forces even when one’s actors have chosen to
notice them as little as possible.
In my contribution to this panel, I will
explore the impact of Rossiter’s study on our thinking about American science
more generally, and suggest the relevance of her work to scholars who want to
understand the “common sense” and quotidian social practice of technical
communities in any time and any place.
Sandra
Linguerri (University
of Bologna)
Vito
Volterra and the Oceanographic Studies
Vito
Volterra (1860-1940) is generally considered one of the greatest mathematicians
of his time. At the beginning of 20th
century he was to become a policy maker in the field of scientific research. In
1906 he promoted the creation of the Italian Association for the Advancement of
Science in order to promote closer collaboration of science, technology and
production; in 1923 he was elected president of the National Academy of Lincei
and of the National Research Council. Volterra’s great interests for the
application of mathematics to the biological sciences dates back to his
inaugural address at the University of Rome for the academic year 1900/01. In
the Twenties, bio-mathematics was to become one of his research fields. The aim
of this speech is to introduce Volterra’s activity as promoter of Italian
Oceanographic Committee (IOC) a national endeavor for marine research in the
Mediterranean Sea, soon internationalized. In 1911 Volterra was one of the
promoter of an international committee for the oceanographic studies later
called, in 1914, International Oceanographic Committee for the Mediterranean
Sea, chaired by Prince Albert I of Monaco. It belongs to the IOC the merit of
the realization of the Experimental Oceanographic Institute of Messina in 1916.
After the foundation of the International Research Council (IRC) by Volterra
himself and the American astronomer G.E. Hale in 1919, the IOC immediately
became the national representative for the oceanographic studies in the
International Union of Biology. In 1926, because his antifascism, Volterra lost
the presidency of the IOC.
Beth
Linker (University
of Pennsylvania)
The
Burden of the Body: Making Exercise Mechanical in Interwar America
Although
the United States fought in the Great War for only nineteen months, its Army
and Public Health Service still managed to physically examine and measure the
bodies of over a million American men. For a nation aiming to become a world
leader, the results were troubling: according to one report, at least one-third
of American draftees were found physically unfit for military service. Reports
like these spawned a new push toward physical education in the nation’s
elementary schools. Unlike earlier school-based fitness programs that consisted
primarily of sport and drill, post-World War I physical education took its cue
from industrial orthopedics and engineering, which understood the body as a
machine that had to maintain perfect “alignment” in order to function properly
and efficiently. This new form of physical education—known as “body
mechanics”—took place not within gymnasium walls but in the classroom,
where students were taught how to maintain erect spines at their desks and full
range-of-motion of their limbs and joints at play. As my paper will
demonstrate, this merger of medicine with engineering offered a new
post-Taylorist perspective on the science of work, one that ultimately led to
workplace ergonomics.
Paul
Lucier (Independent
Scholar)
The
Origins of Economic Geology: S.F. Emmons and the USGS in Leadville, CO
The
origins of economic geology as a scientific discipline are often traced back to
S.F. Emmons' 1886 United States Geological Survey (USGS) monograph, "The
Geology and Mining Industry of Leadville." According T.A. Rickard, the
doyen of nineteenth-century American mining, Emmons' report was
"epoch-making." Emmons explained the distribution of the silver ore
and mapped the district in such detail as to provide guidance to future
exploration and exploitation. The Leadville monograph was thus a recipe for how
to combine theory and practice and clearly marked the mining (or industrial)
orientation of the USGS. Monographs of mining districts became the
bread-and-butter of the USGS. Yet the history of the USGS is not told as a
story of how the largest scientific bureau within the US government aided the
mining industry. More often it is a stew of Washington politics spiced up with
the personality of John Wesley Powell, the second director. Oddly enough, once
geology is institutionalized within the federal survey, its science (i.e.,
mapping) is assumed to be normal and uninteresting. The purpose of this talk is
to stir up the historiography by focusing on the work of the USGS in the mining
camps. More precisely, this talk discusses what Emmons did (and did not do)
during his time in Leadville and what immediate impact his geology had on
mining operations and USGS field operations. These two lines of investigation
converge on a larger theme, namely, the relations between government-supported
geology and government-subsidized science for the mining industry in the making
of the American West.
Christoph
Lüthy (Radboud
University Nijmegen)
Misled
by Boyle: There Was No Mechanical Philosophy
We
owe the belief in the existence of a seventeenth-century "mechanical
philosophy" to Robert Boyle, who in 1661 coined this expression to
describe the attempt of "the Cartesians and the Atomists" to
"explicate the same phaenomena by little bodies variously figured and
moved." The conviction that early modern science "mechanized"
nature has been widespread since the 1950s (Dijksterhuis), although there has
been debate about whether this "mechanical" impulse was inspired by
"machines" or rather by the mathematical science of "mechanics"
(Westfall et al.). However, as the lectures of Jole Shackelford and Hiro Hirai
document, in the matter theories of Severinus, Van Helmont, Gassendi and
others, the predicate "mechanical" possessed a vitalist meaning,
which was irreconcilable with Descartes' natural philosophy. In this lecture, I
shall show how this vitalist meaning is manifest in Boyle's natural philosophy
and draw some conclusions from the evidence for this other
"mechanical" tradition. The most important will be that what our
current historiography understands under "mechanical philosophy" is
most often just "Descartes' philosophy." But this identification is
misleading, because Descartes' radical de-animation of nature was exceptional
and must not be seen as the culmination of the philosophical program of his
century. Indeed, on that account, even Boyle himself would not have been a
"mechanical philosopher.
Sherrie
Lyons (CDL,
Empire State College, SUNY)
East
Meets West: Buddhism, Neuroplasticity and Mirror Neurons: Revisiting
Evolutionary Ethics
In
November 2005 the Dali Lama gave the keynote address at the annual meeting of
the Society for Neuroscience, which is indicative of the serious dialogue that
is now occurring between practitioners of the contemplative traditions,
particularly Tibetan Buddhism and western scientists. In spite of interest in
the 1960s and 70s in mind/body medicine, it never became mainstream. My
previous research on the marginal sciences in the Victorian era documents that
in the midst of discovery it is often difficult to distinguish what constitutes
science from what does not and a variety of factors contribute to the following
a particular scientific idea may generate. This paper explores some of the
reasons for the intense interest at this moment in history. One of the key
findings of current research is the idea of neuroplasticity. The adult brain is
not fixed, but can be changed and trained. This has been well known for
thousands of years by practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism. Mainstream
neuroscientists are now collaborating with them and learning a great deal about
neuroplasticity and areas of the brain that are involved in different emotional
states. Focusing on research that has been done with “expert” mediators,
primarily Buddhist monks, I explore the implications of this research for evolutionary
ethics. The work of primatologist Franz deWaal, Antonio Damasio’s research on
the role of empathy in rational decision making, and the discovery of mirror
neurons, sometimes referred to as the Dali Lama neurons, suggests the
possibility of an evolutionary ethics that may finally break free of the many
problems that have plagued it. This current research suggests that we are “hard
wired” for empathy and kindness and I discuss the role that mediation may play
in activating the mirror neuron system.